A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents: Tyler by Compiled by James D. Richardson

C >> Compiled by James D. Richardson >> A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents: Tyler

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I am not able to perceive that any fair and candid objection can be
urged against the plan, the principal outlines of which I have thus
presented. I can not doubt but that the notes which it proposes to
furnish at the voluntary option of the public creditor, issued in lieu
of the revenue and its certificates of deposit, will be maintained
at an equality with gold and silver everywhere. They are redeemable in
gold and silver on demand at the places of issue. They are receivable
everywhere in payment of Government dues. The Treasury notes are limited
to an amount of one-fourth less than the estimated annual receipts of
the Treasury, and in addition they rest upon the faith of the Government
for their redemption. If all these assurances are not sufficient to make
them available, then the idea, as it seems to me, of furnishing a sound
paper medium of exchange may be entirely abandoned.

If a fear be indulged that the Government may be tempted to run into
excess in its issues at any future day, it seems to me that no such
apprehension can reasonably be entertained until all confidence in the
representatives of the States and of the people, as well as of the
people themselves, shall be lost. The weightiest considerations of
policy require that the restraints now proposed to be thrown around the
measure should not for light causes be removed. To argue against any
proposed plan its liability to possible abuse is to reject every
expedient, since everything dependent on human action is liable
to abuse. Fifteen millions of Treasury notes may be issued as the
_maximum_, but a discretionary power is to be given to the board of
control under that sum, and every consideration will unite in leading
them to feel their way with caution. For the first eight years of the
existence of the late Bank of the United States its circulation barely
exceeded $4,000,000, and for five of its most prosperous years it was
about equal to $16,000,000; furthermore, the authority given to receive
private deposits to a limited amount and to issue certificates in such
sums as may be called for by the depositors may so far fill up the
channels of circulation as greatly to diminish the necessity of any
considerable issue of Treasury notes. A restraint upon the amount of
private deposits has seemed to be indispensably necessary from an
apprehension, thought to be well founded, that in any emergency of trade
confidence might be so far shaken in the banks as to induce a withdrawal
from them of private deposits with a view to insure their unquestionable
safety when deposited with the Government, which might prove eminently
disastrous to the State banks. Is it objected that it is proposed to
authorize the agencies to deal in bills of exchange? It is answered that
such dealings are to be carried on at the lowest possible premium, are
made to rest on an unquestionably sound basis, are designed to reimburse
merely the expenses which would otherwise devolve upon the Treasury, and
are in strict subordination to the decision of the Supreme Court in the
case of the Bank of Augusta against Earle, and other reported cases, and
thereby avoids all conflict with State jurisdiction, which I hold to be
indispensably requisite. It leaves the banking privileges of the States
without interference, looks to the Treasury and the Union, and while
furnishing every facility to the first is careful of the interests of
the last. But above all, it is created by law, is amendable by law, and
is repealable by law, and, wedded as I am to no theory, but looking
solely to the advancement of the public good, I shall be among the very
first to urge its repeal if it be found not to subserve the purposes and
objects for which it may be created. Nor will the plan be submitted in
any overweening confidence in the sufficiency of my own judgment, but
with much greater reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of Congress.
I can not abandon this subject without urging upon you in the most
emphatic manner, whatever may be your action on the suggestions which
I have felt it to be my duty to submit, to relieve the Chief Executive
Magistrate, by any and all constitutional means, from a controlling
power over the public Treasury. If in the plan proposed, should you deem
it worthy of your consideration, that separation is not as complete as
you may desire, you will doubtless amend it in that particular. For
myself, I disclaim all desire to have any control over the public moneys
other than what is indispensably necessary to execute the laws which you
may pass.

Nor can I fail to advert in this connection to the debts which many of
the States of the Union have contracted abroad and under which they
continue to labor. That indebtedness amounts to a sum not less than
$200,000,000, and which has been retributed to them for the most part
in works of internal improvement which are destined to prove of vast
importance in ultimately advancing their prosperity and wealth. For the
debts thus contracted the States are alone responsible. I can do no more
than express the belief that each State will feel itself bound by every
consideration of honor as well as of interest to meet its engagements
with punctuality. The failure, however, of any one State to do so should
in no degree affect the credit of the rest, and the foreign capitalist
will have no just cause to experience alarm as to all other State stocks
because any one or more of the States may neglect to provide with
punctuality the means of redeeming their engagements. Even such States,
should there be any, considering the great rapidity with which their
resources are developing themselves, will not fail to have the means
at no very distant day to redeem their obligations to the uttermost
farthing; nor will I doubt but that, in view of that honorable conduct
which has evermore governed the States and the people of the Union, they
will each and all resort to every legitimate expedient before they will
forego a faithful compliance with their obligations.

From the report of the Secretary of War and other reports accompanying
it you will be informed of the progress which has been made in the
fortifications designed for the protection of our principal cities,
roadsteads, and inland frontier during the present year, together with
their true state and condition. They will be prosecuted to completion
with all the expedition which the means placed by Congress at the
disposal of the Executive will allow.

I recommend particularly to your consideration that portion of the
Secretary's report which proposes the establishment of a chain of
military posts from Council Bluffs to some point on the Pacific Ocean
within our limits. The benefit thereby destined to accrue to our
citizens engaged in the fur trade over that wilderness region, added
to the importance of cultivating friendly relations with savage tribes
inhabiting it, and at the same time of giving protection to our frontier
settlements and of establishing the means of safe intercourse between
the American settlements at the mouth of the Columbia River and those on
this side of the Rocky Mountains, would seem to suggest the importance
of carrying into effect the recommendations upon this head with as
little delay as may be practicable.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy will place you in possession
of the present condition of that important arm of the national defense.
Every effort will be made to add to its efficiency, and I can not too
strongly urge upon you liberal appropriations to that branch of the
public service. Inducements of the weightiest character exist for the
adoption of this course of policy. Our extended and otherwise exposed
maritime frontier calls for protection, to the furnishing of which an
efficient naval force is indispensable. We look to no foreign conquests,
nor do we propose to enter into competition with any other nation for
supremacy on the ocean; but it is due not only to the honor but to the
security of the people of the United States that no nation should be
permitted to invade our waters at pleasure and subject our towns and
villages to conflagration or pillage. Economy in all branches of the
public service is due from all the public agents to the people, but
parsimony alone would suggest the withholding of the necessary means for
the protection of our domestic firesides from invasion and our national
honor from disgrace. I would most earnestly recommend to Congress to
abstain from all appropriations for objects not absolutely necessary;
but I take upon myself, without a moment of hesitancy, all the
responsibility of recommending the increase and prompt equipment of
that gallant Navy which has lighted up every sea with its victories
and spread an imperishable glory over the country.

The report of the Postmaster-General will claim your particular
attention, not only because of the valuable suggestions which it
contains, but because of the great importance which at all times
attaches to that interesting branch of the public service. The increased
expense of transporting the mail along the principal routes necessarily
claims the public attention, and has awakened a corresponding solicitude
on the part of the Government. The transmission of the mail must keep
pace with those facilities of intercommunication which are every day
becoming greater through the building of railroads and the application
of steam power, but it can not be disguised that in order to do so the
Post-Office Department is subjected to heavy exactions. The lines of
communication between distant parts of the Union are to a great extent
occupied by railroads, which, in the nature of things, possess a
complete monopoly, and the Department is therefore liable to heavy and
unreasonable charges. This evil is destined to great increase in future,
and some timely measure may become necessary to guard against it.

I feel it my duty to bring under your consideration a practice which has
grown up in the administration of the Government, and which, I am deeply
convinced, ought to be corrected. I allude to the exercise of the power
which usage rather than reason has vested in the Presidents of removing
incumbents from office in order to substitute others more in favor with
the dominant party. My own conduct in this respect has been governed by
a conscientious purpose to exercise the removing power only in cases of
unfaithfulness or inability, or in those in which its exercise appeared
necessary in order to discountenance and suppress that spirit of active
partisanship on the part of holders of office which not only withdraws
them from the steady and impartial discharge of their official duties,
but exerts an undue and injurious influence over elections and degrades
the character of the Government itself, inasmuch as it exhibits the
Chief Magistrate as being a party through his agents in the secret plots
or open workings of political parties.

In respect to the exercise of this power nothing should be left to
discretion which may safely be regulated by law, and it is of high
importance to restrain as far as possible the stimulus of personal
interests in public elections. Considering the great increase which has
been made in public offices in the last quarter of a century and the
probability of further increase, we incur the hazard of witnessing
violent political contests, directed too often to the single object of
retaining office by those who are in or obtaining it by those who are
out. Under the influence of these convictions I shall cordially concur
in any constitutional measure for regulating and, by regulating,
restraining the power of removal.

I suggest for your consideration the propriety of making without further
delay some specific application of the funds derived under the will of
Mr. Smithson, of England, for the diffusion of knowledge, and which have
heretofore been vested in public stocks until such time as Congress
should think proper to give them a specific direction. Nor will you, I
feel confident, permit any abatement of the principal of the legacy to
be made should it turn out that the stocks in which the investments have
been made have undergone a depreciation.

In conclusion I commend to your care the interests of this District, for
which you are the exclusive legislators. Considering that this city is
the residence of the Government and for a large part of the year of
Congress, and considering also the great cost of the public buildings
and the propriety of affording them at all times careful protection, it
seems not unreasonable that Congress should contribute toward the
expense of an efficient police.

JOHN TYLER.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1841_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, in compliance
with a resolution of the Senate of the 3d of March last, calling for a
comparative statement of the condition of the public defenses, of all
the preparations and means of defense, and of the actual and authorized
strength of the Army on the 1st of January, 1829, and the 1st of
January, 1841.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1841_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the War Department, in compliance with
so much of the resolution of the Senate of March 3, 1841, respecting the
military and naval defenses of the country, as relates to the defenses
under the superintendence of that Department.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _December 8, 1841_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 4th
of September last, requesting information touching the relations between
the United States and the Republic of Texas, I transmit a report from
the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _December 8, 1841_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
exhibiting certain transfers of appropriations which have been made in
that Department in pursuance of the power vested in the President of the
United States by the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1809, entitled
"An act further to amend the several acts for the establishment and
regulation of the Treasury, War, and Navy Departments."

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _December 29, 1841_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith transmit to the Senate a report[15] from the Secretary of
State, in answer to their resolution of the 27th instant.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 15: Stating that no proposition has been made by either the
United States or Great Britain relative to the mutual right of search.]

WASHINGTON, _January 4, 1842_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I herewith communicate a report and statement from the Secretary of
State, in answer to a resolution of the House of the 19th of June, 1841,
requesting the aggregate amount of each description of persons within
the several districts of the United States by counties and principal
towns.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _January 10, 1842_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, a convention between the United States and the Republic
of Peru, signed at Lima on the 17th of March last, providing for the
adjustment and satisfaction of certain claims of citizens of the United
States against the Government of that Republic.

For the purpose of acquainting the Senate with the nature and amount of
those demands and with the course of the negotiation, I also communicate
a copy of such parts of the correspondence of the agents of the two
Governments as relate thereto.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _January 17, 1842_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State, relative
to the proceedings and final decision of the commissioners under the
convention with the Republic of Texas upon the subject of the boundary
between the United States and that Republic.

JOHN TYLER.

[The same message was sent to the House of Representatives.]

WASHINGTON, _January 18, 1842_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in answer to the resolution
of the 14th instant, a report[16] from the Secretary of State and the
papers by which it was accompanied.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 16: Relating to American citizens captured near Santa Fe,
Mexico, by the Mexican army.]

WASHINGTON, _January 19, 1842_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate herewith a report[17] from the Secretary of
State, with accompanying papers, in answer to their resolution of the
11th instant.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 17: Transmitting correspondence relative to the action of the
authorities of Nassau, New Providence, in the imprisonment of slaves
charged with mutiny and murder, the refusal to surrender them to the
United States consul for trial in the United States, and the liberation
of slaves, all of said slaves being a part of the cargo of the United
States brig _Creole_.]

JANUARY 27, 1842.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report[18] of the Secretary of War, in answer to
the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th August, 1841.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 18: Relating to the origin of the Seminole war, slaves
captured during said war by United States troops, etc.]

WASHINGTON, _February 5, 1842_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith to the Senate copies of a report and letter from the
commissioners appointed by the President for the exploration and survey
of the boundary line between the States of Maine and New Hampshire and
the conterminous British Provinces, showing the progress made in that
work during the past season, and submitting an estimate, to which I
invite the attention of Congress, of the funds that will be requisite
for completing the surveys yet to be made on the boundary, and the
office work consequent thereon, and for completing the maps of surveys
already made.

JOHN TYLER.

[The same message was sent to the House of Representatives.]

NEW YORK, _January 4, 1842_.

Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER,

_Secretary of State_:

The undersigned, commissioners appointed by the President of the United
States for the purpose of exploring and surveying the boundary line
between the States of Maine and New Hampshire and the British Provinces
in North America, respectfully report--

That in pursuance of the duties of their appointment they have in the
course of the late season performed the following surveys and
explorations:

1. The meridian line of the monument at the source of the St. Croix has,
under the direction of J.D. Graham, been carefully and accurately traced
from the station in the vicinity of Houlton where the labors of the year
1840 terminated to a point 4 miles north of the St. John River in the
vicinity of the Grand Falls, being a distance of 81 miles from the
monument. The timber has been removed along this line to a width
necessary for its accurate prolongation and for the requisite
astronomical observations at various points upon it, and a correct
profile, or vertical section, has also been obtained by means of the
spirit level the whole of the distance above mentioned.

Besides the astronomical observations necessary to obtain and continue
the due north direction upon this line, numerous magnetic observations
have also been made at a number of points upon it, in order to show the
physical causes which must operate to produce serious discrepancies
between a meridian line properly traced and such a one as has actually
separated the jurisdiction of the two Governments since the attempt in
the years 1817 and 1818 to define and mark this portion of the boundary
under the provisions of the treaty of Ghent, although no portion of that
line was ever ratified or made binding upon the parties to the treaty.

Upon this portion of the survey there have been chained, including
measured offsets to the old line and to other important points, 85
miles.

Four hundred and fifty-two transit observations of heavenly bodies have
been made, aided by three excellent chronometers, for the determination
of the true meridian direction, most of which also served for the
computation of the correct time.

For the determination of the longitude of this meridian west of the
Royal Observatory of Greenwich and the latitudes of four important
points upon it there were made eighty-five complete sets of astronomical
observations, including altitudes of the sun and stars and the meridian
transits of the moon and moon-culminating stars.

The number of barometric observations made upon the line and in its
vicinity is 5,767; besides which there were made at Calais, for
comparison with the level of mean tide on the St. Croix, 1,336 similar
observations.

There have been determined in altitude above or below the level of the
monument, by means of the spirit level, 1,716 points, and the altitudes
of 1,816 other points have been similarly observed in order to verify
the altitude of the monument above the level of mean tide at Calais.

For the determination of the magnetic variation at a number of points on
the meridian line, more than 200 observations have been made upon four
different needles, and for the determination of the magnetic dip at four
principal stations on the same meridian 300 observations have been made
upon two different needles.

Under the directions of the same commissioner the line claimed by Great
Britain from Mars Hill and that recently chosen by Messrs. Mudge and
Featherstonhaugh have been surveyed westward from the meridian line to
the highlands near the head waters of the Aroostook, and the necessary
data obtained for the construction of a correct map of that portion of
country.

Upon this survey, without reckoning the distances traveled for
approaching many important points of observation, there have been
actually measured with the chain and coursed with proper instruments 267
miles, including the Aroostook River from its mouth to the point where
it receives the Lapawmpeag Stream, a profile of the country from the
head waters of the Moluncus to the St. John at Fish River, and such
other important lines as were necessary for obtaining the correct
topography of the country, and the altitudes of many points upon the
line claimed by Great Britain as the boundary, in the vicinity of the
Aroostook, have been obtained.

Ten principal points have been determined in latitude and longitude by
means of 115 sets of astronomical observations, aided by three good
chronometers, and seventeen other points have been determined by
triangulation with a portable theodolite. Two hundred and five points
have been determined in altitude by means of 1,319 barometric
observations, and seventeen by means of the theodolite and spirit level.
One hundred and ninety-two observations have been made for determining
the variation of the magnetic needle at three important points.

The field duties above mentioned are considered to furnish sufficient
data for a correct map of the line reported upon by the late British
commissioners, Colonel Mudge and Mr. Featherstonhaugh, between the
St. John River and the head of the Aroostook, besides some lateral
explorations of considerable extent that will have an important bearing
upon this branch of the subject. The work accomplished is full as much
as could have been properly done in a single season, marked, as the
last was, by an unusual drought of long continuance, which rendered
it impossible to ascend, even with light canoes, some of the smaller
streams, especially those forming the northwesternmost sources of the
Aroostook. These might be profitably explored another season.

2. The division under the direction of A. Talcott has, besides verifying
a part of the line of 1840 and tracing the course of Indian Stream (a
branch of the Connecticut) to its source, explored and surveyed the line
of highlands which extends from the Kennebec road to the Temiscouata
portage, and so much of the line claimed by Great Britain as extends
from the Kennebec road to the eastward as far as the head of the
Aroostook River.

In the course of this survey, without counting the lines of approach
or ground traveled over more than once, 703 miles have been passed over
and such notes taken as will form the basis of a map. Of these 703
miles, 335 are upon the lines respectively claimed as boundaries by
the Governments of the United States and Great Britain. In the course
of these surveys, in order to the geographical determination of the
position of the line, the latitudes of 54 points have been determined
by means of 114 sets of altitudes of heavenly bodies, and the sets of
subsidiary observations for time and for the determination of longitude
by chronometers amount to 245. The number of points at which
observations have been made by barometers for the purpose of determining
their altitudes is 930, of which 669 are upon the boundaries
respectively claimed by the two countries. The number of separate sets
of barometric readings made at these points amounts to 1,981, while
those made at the fixed stations, with which the former are to be
compared, amount to 1,671.