A Visit To The United States In 1841 by Joseph Sturge
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Joseph Sturge >> A Visit To The United States In 1841
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25 A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES IN 1841
BY JOSEPH STURGE
1842
BOSTON: DEXTER S. KING, NO. 1 CORNHILL.
"'Tis liberty alone that gives the flower
Of fleeting life its lustre and perfume;
And we are weeds without it. All constraint,
Except what wisdom lays on evil men,
Is evil; hurts the faculties, impedes
Their progress in the road of science; blinds
The eyesight of discovery; and begets,
In those that suffer it, a sordid mind."
COWPER.
Preface to the American Edition
Preface to the English Edition
A Visit, &c.
General Observations
Appendix A: ANTI-SLAVERY EPISTLE OF "FRIENDS" IN GREAT BRITAIN.
Appendix B: EARLY EFFORTS OF "FRIENDS" IN BEHALF OF NEGRO
Appendix C: Report of the Committee of the Yearly Meeting of
Friends, &c.
Appendix D: ELISHA TYSON.
Appendix E: THE "AMISTAD CAPTIVES"
Appendix F: Extract from an Essay by WILLIAM JAY
Appendix G: OPIUM WAR WITH CHINA.
Appendix H: LETTER OF A.L. PENNOCK.
Appendix I: GERRIT SMITH'S SLAVES.
Appendix K: The Society of Friends in America and the
Colonization Society
Appendix L: Memorial of citizens of Boston, United States, to
the Lords of the Admiralty, Great Britain.
PREFACE
TO THE AMERICAN EDITION.
Within a few years past, several of our visitors from the other side of
the Atlantic, have published their views of our country and her
institutions. Basil Hall, Hamilton and others, in their attempts to
describe the working of the democratic principle in the United States,
have been unfavorably influenced by their opposite political
predilections. On the other hand, Miss Martineau, who has strong
republican sympathies, has not, at all times, been sufficiently careful
and discriminating in the facts and details of her spirited and
agreeable narrative.
The volume of Mr. Sturge, herewith presented, is unlike any of its
predecessors. Its author makes no literary pretensions. His style, like
his garb, is of the plainest kind; shorn of every thing like ornament,
it has yet a truthful, earnest simplicity, as rare as it is beautiful.
The reader will look in vain for those glowing descriptions of American
scenery, and graphic delineations of the peculiarities of the American
character with which other travellers have endeavored to enliven and
diversify their journals. Coming among us on an errand of peace and good
will--with a heart oppressed and burdened by the woes of suffering
humanity--he had no leisure for curious observations of men and manners,
nor even for the gratification of a simple and unperverted taste for the
beautiful in outward nature. His errand led him to the slave-jail of the
negro-trafficker--the abodes of the despised and persecuted colored
man--the close walls of prisons. His narrative, like his own character,
is calm, clear, simple; its single and manifest aim, _to do good_.
Although this volume is mainly devoted to the subject of emancipation,
and to his intercourse with the religious Society of which he is a
member, yet the friends of peace, of legal reform, and of republican
institutions, will derive gratification from its perusal. The liberal
spirit of Christian philanthropy breathes through it. The author's deep
and settled detestation of our slavery, and of the hypocrisy which
sustains and justifies it, does not render him blind to the beauty of
the republican principle of popular control, nor repress in any degree
his pleasure in recording its beneficent practical fruits in the free
States.
The labors of Mr. Sturge in the cause of emancipation have given him the
appellation of the "Howard of our days." The author of the popular
"History of Slavery," page 600, thus notices his arduous personal
investigations of the state of things in the West India Islands, under
the apprenticeship system. "The idea originated with Joseph Sturge, of
Birmingham, a member of that religious body, the FRIENDS, who have ever
stood pre-eminent in noiseless but indefatigable exertions in the cause
of the negro; and who seem to possess a more thorough practical
understanding than is generally possessed by statesmen and politicians,
of the axiom that the shortest communication between two given points,
is a straight line. While others were speculating, and hoping that the
worst reports from the West Indies might not be true, and that the evils
would work their own cure, this generous and heroic philanthropist,
resolved to go himself and ascertain the facts and the remedy required."
On his return, Mr. Sturge, with his companion, Thomas Harvey, published
a full account of their investigations into the working of the
apprenticeship system; and his testimony before the Parliamentary
Committee, occupied seven days. His disclosures sealed the fate of the
apprenticeship system. Such a demonstration of popular sentiment was
called forth against it, that the Colonies, one after another, felt
themselves under the necessity of abandoning it for unconditional
emancipation. It was a remark of Brougham, in the House of Lords, that
the abolition of the apprenticeship was the work of one man, and that
man was Joseph Sturge.
Mr. Sturge's benevolent labors have not been confined to the abolition
of slavery. He is a prominent member of the Anti-corn Law League. He is
an active advocate of the cause of universal peace. He has given all his
influence to the cause of the oppressed and laboring classes of his own
countrymen: and his name is at this moment, the rallying-word of
millions, as the author and patron of the "Suffrage Declaration," which
is now in circulation in all parts of the United Kingdom, pledging its
signers to the great principle of universal suffrage--a full, fair and
free representation of the people. It was reserved for the untitled
Quaker of Birmingham to take the lead in the great and good work of
uniting, for the first time, the middle and the working classes of his
countrymen, and in so doing, to infuse hope and newness of life into the
dark dwellings of the English peasant and artisan. The Editor of the
London Non-Conformist, speaking of this movement of Mr. Sturge, says:
"The Declaration is put forth by a man, who, perhaps, in a higher degree
than any other individual, has the confidence of both the middle class
and the working men. The former can trust to his prudence; the latter
have faith in his sincerity."
Such is the man, who, prompted by his untiring benevolence, visited our
shores during the past year. This volume is the brief record of his
visit, and of the impressions produced upon his mind by our conflicting
interests and institutions. It is now republished, in the belief that
the opinions of its author will be received with candor and respect by
all classes of our citizens, and that they are calculated to make a
permanent and salutary impression, in favor of the great cause of
universal freedom.
Boston, May, 1842.
PREFACE
TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
In visiting the United States, the objects which preferred the chief
claim to my attention were the _universal abolition of slavery_, and
_the promotion of permanent international peace_. Deeply impressed with
the conviction that the advancement of these is intimately connected
with the progress of right views among professing Christians in that
country, it was my desire not only to inform myself of the actual state
of feeling and opinion among this important class, but if possible, to
contribute my mite of encouragement and aid to those who are bearing the
burden and heat of the day, in an arduous contest, on whose issue the
alternative of a vast amount of human happiness or misery depends. This
general outline of my motives included several specific, practical
objects, which will be found detailed in the ensuing pages.
For obvious reasons, _the abolition of slavery in the United States_ is
the most prominent topic in my narrative; but I have freely interspersed
observations on other subjects of interest and importance, as they came
under consideration. Short notices are introduced of some of the
prominent abolitionists of America; and, though sensible how imperfectly
I have done justice to exertions, which, either in degree or kind, have
scarcely a parallel in the annals of self-denying benevolence, I fear I
shall occasionally have hurt the feelings of the individuals referred
to, by what they may deem undeserved or unseasonable praise; yet I trust
they will pardon the act for the sake of the motive, which is to
introduce the English anti-slavery reader to a better acquaintance with
his fellow laborers in the United States. My short stay, and the limited
extent of my visit, prevented my becoming acquainted with many who are
equally deserving of notice.
Less than twelve months have elapsed since I embarked on this "visit;"
and though, with the help of steam by sea and land, an extensive journey
may now be performed in a comparatively short time, yet, during this
brief interval, my own engagements would have prevented my placing the
following narrative so early before the public without assistance. It is
right to state that a large portion of the work has been prepared for
the press from a rough transcript of my journal, from my correspondence,
and other documents, by the friend who accompanied me on a former
journey to the West Indies, and who then compiled the account of our
joint labors.
Nearly the whole of the narrative portion of this publication has been
sent to America, to different individuals who were concerned in, or
present at the transactions related, and has been returned to me with
their verification of the facts; so that the reader has the strongest
guaranty for their accuracy. The inferences and comments I am solely
responsible for, and I leave them to rest on their own merits.
In undertaking this journey, I was careful not to shackle my individual
liberty by appearing as the representative of any society, whether
religious or benevolent; and, on the other hand, none of those friends,
who kindly furnished me with letters of introduction, are in any way
responsible for my proceedings in the United States, or for any thing
which this volume contains.
In conclusion,--should these pages come under the notice of any, who,
though well wishers to their species, are not yet identified with
anti-slavery effort, I would entreat such to "come over and help us." If
they are ambitious of a large and quick return for their outlay of
money, of time, of labor,--for their painful sympathies and self-denying
prayers,--where will they find a cause where help is more needed, or
where it would be rewarded more surely and abundantly? Let them reflect
on what has been effected, within a few short years, in the British West
Indies, so recently numbered among "the dark places of the earth, full
of the habitations of cruelty,"--but now scenes of light, gladness, and
prosperity, temporal and spiritual. To show what remains to be
accomplished for the universal abolition of slavery--a field in which
the laborers are few indeed, in proportion to its extent--I may be
allowed to quote the following comprehensive statement, from the preface
to one of the most important volumes that ever issued from the press on
the subject of slavery:[A]
[Footnote A: "Proceedings of the London Anti-Slavery Convention."]
"The extent of these giant evils may be gathered from a brief
statement of facts. In the United States of America, the slave
population is estimated to be 2,750,000; in Brazil, 2,500,000;
in the Spanish Colonies, 600,000; in the French Colonies,
265,000; in the Dutch Colonies, 70,000; in the Danish and
Swedish Colonies, 30,000; and in Texas, 25,000; besides those
held in bondage by Great Britain, in the East Indies, and the
British Settlements of Ceylon, Malacca, and Penang; and by
France, Holland, and Portugal, in various parts of Asia and
Africa; amounting in all to several millions more; and exclusive
also of those held in bondage by the native powers of the East,
and other parts of the world, of whose number it is impossible
to form a correct estimate.
"To supply the slave-markets of the Western world, 120,000
native Africans are, on the most moderate calculation, annually
required; whilst the slave-markets of the East require 50,000
more. In procuring these victims of a guilty traffic, to be
devoted to the rigors of perpetual slavery, it is computed that
280,000 perish in addition, and under circumstances the most
revolting and afflicting.
"But this is not all. In the Southern section of the United
States, and in British India, a vast internal slave-trade is
carried on, second only in horror and extent to that which has
so long desolated and degraded Africa.
"These facts exhibit, also, the magnitude of the responsibility
which devolves upon abolitionists; in view of it they may well
be allowed to disclaim, as they do, all sectarian motive, all
party feeling: 'Glory to God in the highest, on earth peace,
good will to man,' is their aim: consistently with the blessed
character of this gospel anthem, they recognize no means as
allowable for them, in the prosecution of their holy enterprise,
than those which are of a moral, religious, and pacific nature;
in the diligent use of these means, and trusting in God, they
cherish the hope that, under His blessing, they may be permitted
to accomplish the great work to which they are devoted; and thus
be made instrumental in advancing the sacred cause of freedom,
and its attendant blessings, civilization and religion,
throughout the earth."
J.S.
Edgbaston, near Birmingham, Second Month, 1st, 1842.
A VISIT, &c.
I embarked at Portsmouth, on board the British Queen steam packet,
commanded by Captain Franklin, on the 10th of the 3d Month, (March,)
1841. During the first two or three days, the weather was unusually fine
for the season of the year, and gave us the prospect of a quick and
prosperous voyage. The passengers, about seventy in number, were of
various nations, including English, French, German and American.
The very objectionable custom of supplying the passengers with
intoxicating liquors without limit and without any additional charge,
thus compelling the temperate or abstinent passenger to contribute to
the expenses of the intemperate, was done away. Each individual paid for
the wine and spirits he called for, a circumstance which greatly
promoted sobriety in the ship; but I am sorry to say three or four, and
these my own countrymen, were not unfrequently in a state of
intoxication. On one occasion, after dinner, one of these addressed an
intelligent black steward, who was waiting, by the contemptuous
designation of "blackey;" the man replied to him in this manner:--"My
name is Robert; when you want any thing from me please to address me by
my name; there is no gentleman on board who would have addressed me as
you have done; we are all the same flesh and blood; I did not make
myself; God made me." This severe and public rebuke commended itself to
every man's conscience, and my countryman obtained no sympathy even from
the most prejudiced slaveholder on board. Several of my fellow
passengers stood in this relation; and I found I could freely converse
with a native American slaveholder not only with less risk of giving
offence, but that he was more ready to admit the inherent evils of
slavery than the Europeans who had become inured to the system by
residence in the Southern States of America, or than the American
merchants residing in the Northern cities, whose participation in the
commerce of the Slave States had imbued them with pro-slavery views and
feelings. One of them, a French merchant of New Orleans, went so far as
to assure me, that in his opinion it would be as reasonable to class the
negroes with monkeys, as to place them on an equality with the whites.
On the nights of the 14th and 15th the Aurora Borealis was very
beautiful and vivid, which is said to be, in these latitudes, an
indication of stormy weather. Accordingly on the 16th the weather became
less favorable, with an increased swell in the sea, wind more ahead, and
occasional squalls. On the night of the 18th we encountered one of the
most awful hurricanes ever witnessed by the oldest sailor on board; and
from this date to the 24th inst. we experienced a succession of storms
of indescribable violence and severity, which at some intervals caused
great and I believe very just alarm for the safety of the ship. The
President steamer, coming in the opposite direction, is known to have
encountered the same weather, and was doubtless lost, not having since
been heard of. Our escape, under Divine Providence, must be attributed
to the great strength of the vessel, which had been thoroughly repaired
since her last voyage, and to the skill and indefatigable attention of
the Captain. On the 25th the wind abated, and the greater number of the
floats or propelling boards of the paddle wheels having been carried
away, and our stock of coals very much reduced, the Captain decided to
make for Halifax, Nova Scotia, where we arrived on the evening of the
30th. After a stay of twenty-four hours, for repairs and supplies, we
again left for New York, where we arrived safely on the night of 4th
Month, (April,) 3d.
The following day, being the first of the week, I landed about the time
of the gathering of the different congregations, and inquired my way to
the meeting of the orthodox section of the Society of Friends, and
afterwards took up my abode at the Carlton Hotel. Here I met, for the
first time, my friend J.G. Whittier, whom I had been anxious to
associate with myself in my future movements, and who kindly consented
to be my companion as far as his health would permit. The next morning,
on returning to the vessel to get my luggage passed, a custom-house
officer manifested his disapproval of my character and objects as an
abolitionist, by giving me much unnecessary trouble, and by being the
means of my paying duty on a small machine for copying letters for my
own private use, and other articles which I believe are usually passed
free. Ordinarily at this port, the luggage of respectable passengers is
passed with little examination, on an assurance that it comprises no
merchandise. This was almost the only instance of discourteous treatment
I met with in the United States. We remained in New York from the 4th to
the 10th of this month, which time was occupied in visiting different
friends of the anti-slavery cause, and in receiving calls at our hotel.
I had much pleasure and satisfaction in my intercourse here with several
individuals distinguished in the anti-slavery cause, some of whom I had
met in 1837, during a short visit to New York on my way from the West
Indies. Among these, ought particularly to be mentioned the brothers
Arthur and Lewis Tappan. The former was elected president of the
American Anti-Slavery Society on its formation, and remained at its head
until the division which took place last year, when he became president
of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. His name is not more a
byeword of reproach, than a watchword of alarm throughout the slave
states; and the slave holders have repeatedly set a high price upon his
head by advertisement in the public papers. In the just estimation of
the pro-slavery party, Arthur Tappan is abolition personified; and truly
the cause needs not to be ashamed of its representative, for a more
deservedly honored and estimable character it would be difficult to
find. In personal deportment he is unobtrusive and silent; his sterling
qualities are veiled by reserve, and are in themselves such as make the
least show--clearness and judgment, prudence and great decision. He is
the head of an extensive mercantile establishment, and the high
estimation in which he is held by his fellow citizens, notwithstanding
the unpopularity of his views on slavery, is the result of a long and
undeviating career of public spirit and private integrity, and of an
uninterrupted succession of acts of benevolence. During a series of
years of commercial prosperity, his revenues were distributed with an
unsparing hand through the various channels which promised benefit to
his fellow creatures; and in this respect, his gifts, large and frequent
though they were, were probably exceeded in usefulness by the influence
of his example as a man and a Christian.
His brother Lewis, with the same noble and disinterested spirit in the
application of his pecuniary resources, possesses the rare faculty of
incessant labor; which, when combined, as in his case, with great
intellectual and physical capacity, eminently qualifies for a leading
position in society. He unites in a remarkable degree, the apparently
incompatible qualities of versatility and concentration; and his
admirable endowments have been applied in the service of the helpless
and the oppressed with corresponding success. He has been from the
beginning one of the most active members of the central Anti-Slavery
Committee in New York, a body that has directed the aggressive
operations against slavery, on a national scale, with a display of
resources, and an untiring and resolute vigor, that have attracted the
admiration of all, who, sympathizing in their object, have had the
privilege of watching their proceedings. Of those who have impressed the
likeness of their own character on these proceedings, Lewis Tappan is
one of the chief; and he has shared with his brother the most virulent
attacks from the pro-slavery party. Some years ago he had the ear of a
negro sent to him by post, in an insulting anonymous letter. During the
past year, though marked by a severe domestic affliction, in addition to
his engagements as a merchant, in partnership with his brother Arthur,
and his various public and private duties as a man and as a citizen, in
the performance of which I believe he is punctual and exemplary, he has
edited, almost without assistance, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Reporter, and has also been one of the most active members of a
committee of benevolent individuals formed to watch over the interest of
the Amistad captives. Besides superintending the maintenance, education,
and other interests of these Africans, it was necessary to defend their
cause against the whole power of the United States' Government, to raise
funds for these objects, to interest foreign Governments in their
welfare, and more than all, to keep them constantly before the public,
not only for their own sakes, but that a portion of the sympathy and
right feeling which was elicited in their favor might be reflected
towards the native slave population of the country, whose claim to
freedom rests upon the same ground of natural and indefeasible right.
With what success this interesting cause has been prosecuted is well
expressed in a single sentence by a valued transatlantic correspondent
of mine, who, writing at the most critical period of the controversy,
says:--"We, or rather Lewis Tappan, has made the whole nation look the
captives in the face."
Joshua Leavitt, proprietor and editor of the New York Emancipator, a
large weekly abolition newspaper, and secretary of the American and
Foreign Anti-slavery Society, is another remarkable man, clear and sound
in judgment, and efficient in action. He is justly regarded by American
abolitionists as one of their ablest supporters.
La Roy Sunderland, member of the Executive Committee, and editor of
"Zion's Watchman," a Methodist, religious, and anti-slavery newspaper,
with his slight figure, dark intellectual face, and earnest manner, is
pointed out to the anti-slavery visitor from the Old World as the most
prominent advocate of emancipation among the Wesleyans. His boldness and
faithfulness have combined against him the leading influences of his
denomination, but notwithstanding he has been several times tried by
ecclesiastical councils, they have always failed to substantiate the
charges against him, and his vindication has been complete.
Theodore S. Wright, member of the committee, is a colored presbyterian
preacher in this city--an amiable man, much and deservedly respected.
All the above mentioned individuals, who have from an early period been
among the most zealous and laborious members of the anti-slavery
committee, found themselves placed by the events of last year in the
position of seceders from the American Anti-Slavery Society, though
their opinions had undergone no change. They now belong to the American
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, or as it is technically called the
"new organization," a distinction which will be afterwards explained.
James M'Cune Smith, a young colored physician, I had known in England,
where he studied for his profession, having been shut out of the
colleges of his own country by the prejudice against his complexion.
Notwithstanding this prejudice he is now practising, I understand, with
success, and has fair prospects.
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