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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. IV. by Robert Kerr



R >> Robert Kerr >> A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. IV.

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A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.


BY


ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. IV.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.

* * * * *




ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FOURTH VOLUME.

* * * * *

Twelve months have now elapsed since the first half volume of this work
was offered to the public. The favourable reception it has experienced
gives the Editor reason to hope that he has fulfilled the engagements
which he came under at its first appearance, and is a powerful inducement
to continue his utmost exertions to preserve and improve the character of
the work. In the four volumes which are now published, several extensive
and important original articles are introduced, which have not hitherto
appeared in any similar collection, and had not even been previously
translated into English. These materially contribute towards the ample
information which was formerly announced, in the Preface to the _first_
Volume, as a leading object in this Collection. In the subsequent parts of
the work, every effort shall be made to fill up its several divisions with
original articles of similar interest and equal importance.

Encouraged by a satisfactory and increasing sale, the progress of
publication has been somewhat hastened, beyond what was originally
promised in the Prospectus and Conditions; as the _whole_ of the fourth
Volume is now published, at the period when only its _first half_ was to
have appeared. It is intended to repeat this anticipation occasionally, by
the publication of two numbers or half-volumes at once, when opportunity
offers. While this may gratify one portion of our readers, it is not meant
to preclude others from continuing to be supplied, as before, with the
numbers or half volumes at regular intervals, in their own option.

EDINBURGH, _1st Jan_, 1812.

* * * * *




CONTENTS OF VOL. IV.


PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.

CHAP. V. History of the discovery and conquest of Mexico, continued.

SECT.
VI. The Spaniards commence their march to Mexico; with an account of the
war in Tlascala, and the submission of that nation.

VII. Events during the march of the Spaniards from Tlascala to Mexico.

VIII. Arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, and transactions there till
the arrival of Narvaez to supersede Cortes.

IX. Expedition of Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command, and
occurrences till his defeat by Cortes.

X. Occurrences from the defeat of Narvaez, to the expulsion of the
Spaniards from Mexico, and the subsequent battle of Otumba.

XI. Occurrences from the battle of Otumba, till the march of Cortes to
besiege Mexico.

XII. Transactions of Cortes and the Spaniards, from their march against
Mexico, to the commencement of the siege of that city.

XIII. Narrative of occurrences, from the commencement of the siege of
Mexico to its reduction, and the capture of Guatimotzin.

XIV. Occurrences in New Spain, immediately subsequent to the reduction
of Mexico.

XV. Expeditions sent by Cortes to reduce the provinces of the Mexican
empire.

XVI. Expedition of Garay to colonize Panuco.

XVII. Narrative of various expeditions for the reduction of different
provinces in New Spain.

XVIII. Negociations of Cortes at the court of Spain, respecting the
conquest and government of Mexico.

XIX. Of an expedition against the Zapotecas, and various other
occurrences.

XX. Narrative of the expedition of Cortes to Higueras.

XXI. Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to his
departure for Europe.

XXII. Narrative of occurrences, from the departure of Cortes to Europe
till his death.

XXIII. Concluding observations by the Author.

CHAP. VI. History of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Francisco
Pizarro; written by Augustino Zarate, treasurer of that kingdom, a few
years after the conquest.

Introduction.

SECT.
I. Of the discovery of Peru, with some account of the country and its
inhabitants.

II. Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the
commencement of the conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the
discovery of Chili.

III. Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture
by Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru.

IV. Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro
to Los Canelos.

V. Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro.

CHAP. VII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, after the death of
Francisco Pizarro, to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the
re-establishment of tranquillity in the country; written by Augustino
Zarate.

SECT.
I. From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of the
administration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from
Spain.

II. Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal
of the civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro.


[Illustration: Viceroyalty of Mexico Published 1 Jan'y 1812 by W'm
Blackwood Edin'r.]



A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.



PART II.

BOOK II. CONTINUED.

* * * * *




CHAPTER V.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568,
BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS.--_Continued_.




SECTION VI.

_The Spaniards commence their March to Mexico; with an account of the War
in Tlascala, and the submission of that Nation_.


Everything being in readiness for our march to Mexico, we were advised by
our allies of Chempoalla to proceed by way of Tlascala, the inhabitants of
that province being in friendship with them and constantly at war with the
Mexicans; and at our requisition, we were joined by fifty of the principal
warriors of the Totanacas[1], who likewise gave us 200 _tlamama_, or men
of burden, to draw our guns and to transport our baggage and ammunition[2].
Our first day's march on the 16th of August 1519, was to _Xalapan_, and
our second to _Socochima_, a place of difficult approach, surrounded by
vines. During the whole of this march, the main body was kept in compact
order, being always preceded by an advance of light infantry, and patroles
of cavalry. Our interpreters informed the people of this place, that we
were subjects of the great emperor Don Carlos, who had sent us to abolish
human sacrifices and various other abuses; and as these people were allies
of Chempoalla and independent of Montezuma, they treated us in a friendly
manner. We erected a cross at this place, explaining its signification and
giving them information of many things belonging to our holy faith, and
exhorting them to reverence the cross. From this place we proceeded by a
difficult pass among lofty mountains to _Texotla_, the people of which
place were well disposed to us, as they also paid no tribute to Montezuma.
Continuing our march through desert lofty mountains, we experienced
excessive cold, with heavy falls of hail, and came next day to a pass,
where there were some houses and large temples, and great piles of wood
intended for the service of the idols. Provisions were scarce during the
two last days, and we now approached the confines of the Mexican empire,
at a place called _Xocotlan_; to the cacique of which place Cortes sent a
message informing him of our arrival. The appearance of this place evinced
that we were entering upon a new and richer country. The temples and other
buildings were lofty, with terraced roofs, and had a magnificent
appearance, being all plastered and white-washed, so as to resemble some
of our towns in Spain; on which account we called this place _Castel
blanco_.

In consequence of our message, the cacique and other principal persons of
the town came out to meet us, and conducted us to our quarters, where they
gave us a very poor entertainment. After supper, Cortes inquired
respecting the military power of Montezuma, and was told that he was able
to bring prodigious armies into the field. The city of Mexico was
represented as of uncommon strength, being built on the water, with no
communication between the houses, houses, except by means of boats or
bridges, each house being terraced, and only needing the addition of a
parapet to become a fortress. The only access to the city was by means of
three causeways or piers, each of which had four or five apertures for the
passage of the waters, having wooden bridges which could be raised up, so
as to preclude all access. We were likewise informed of the vast wealth
possessed by Montezuma, in gold, silver, and jewels, which filled us with
astonishment; and although the account we had already received of the
military resources of the empire and the inaccessible strength of the
capital might have filled us with dismay, yet we were eager to try our
fortunes. The cacique expatiated in praise of Montezuma, and expressed his
apprehension of having offended him by receiving us into his government
without his leave. To this Cortes replied, That we had come from a far
distant country by command of our sovereign, to exhort Montezuma and his
subjects to desist from human sacrifices and other outrages; adding: "I
now require all who hear me, to renounce your inhuman sacrifices, cannibal
feasts, and other abominable customs; for such is the command of GOD, whom
we adore." The natives listened to all this in profound silence, and
Cortes proposed to the soldiers to destroy the idols and plant the holy
cross, as had been already done at Chempoalla; but Father Olmedo
recommended that this should be postponed to a fitter opportunity, lest
the ignorance and barbarism of the people might incite them to offer
indignity against that holy symbol of our blessed religion.

We happened to have a very large dog along with us, which belonged to
Francisco de Lugo, which used to bark very loud during the night, to the
great surprise of the natives, who asked our Chempoallan allies if that
terrible animal was a lion or tiger which we had brought to devour them.
They answered that this creature attacked and devoured whoever offended us;
that our guns discharged stones which destroyed our enemies, and that our
horses were exceedingly swift and caught whoever we pursued. On this the
others observed that with such astonishing powers we certainly were
_teules_. Our allies also advised them to beware of practising any thing
against us, as we could read their hidden thoughts, and recommended them
to conciliate our favour by a present. They accordingly brought us several
ornaments of much debased gold, and gave us four women to make bread, and
a load of mantles. Near some of the temples belonging to this place I saw
a vast number of human skeletons arranged in such exact order that they
might easily be counted with perfect accuracy, and I am certain there were
above an hundred thousand. In another part immense quantities of human
bones were heaped up in endless confusion. In a third, great numbers of
skulls were suspended from beams, and watched by three priests. Similar
collections were to be seen everywhere as we marched through this district
and the territories of Tlascala.

On consulting the cacique of Xocotla respecting the road to Mexico, he
advised us to go through Cholula; but our allies strongly dissuaded us
from that route, alleging that the people were very treacherous, and that
the town was always occupied by a Mexican garrison, and repeated the
former advice of going by Tlascala, assuring us of a friendly reception
there. Cortes accordingly sent messengers before us to Tlascala announcing
our approach, and bearing a crimson velvet cap as a present. Although
these people were ignorant of writing, yet Cortes sent a letter by his
messengers, as it was generally understood to carry a sanction of the
message which was to be delivered. We now set out for Tlascala, in our
accustomed order of march, attended by twenty principal inhabitants of
Xocotla. On arriving at a village in the territory of Xalacingo[3], where
we received intelligence that the whole nation of the Tlascalans were in
arms to oppose us, believing as to be in alliance with their inveterate
enemies the Mexicans, on account of the number of Mexican subjects who
attended our army. So great was their suspicion on this account, that they
imprisoned our two messengers, for whose return we waited two days very
impatiently. Cortes employed the time in exhorting the Indians to abandon
their idolatry and to reconcile themselves to our holy church. At the end
of these two days, we resumed our march, accompanied by two of the
principal people of this place whom Cortes demanded to attend us, and we
soon afterwards met our messengers who had made their escape, either owing
to the negligence or connivance of their guards. These messengers were in
extreme terror, as the people of Tlascala threatened to destroy us and
every one who should adhere to us. As a battle was therefore to be
expected, the standard was advanced to the front, and Cortes instructed
the cavalry to charge by threes to the front, never halting to give
thrusts with their lances, but urging on at speed with couched lances
levelled at the faces of the enemy. He directed them also, when their
lance was seized by the enemy, to force it from them by the efforts of the
horse, firmly grasping the butt under the arm. At about two leagues from
the last resting-place, we came to a fortification built of stone and lime,
excellently constructed for defence, and so well cemented that nothing but
iron tools could make an impression on it. We halted for a short time to
examine this work, which had been built by the Tlascalans to defend their
territory against the incursions of their Mexican enemies; and on Cortes
ordering us to march on, saying, "Gentlemen follow your standard the holy
cross, through which we shall conquer;" we all replied, "Forward in the
name of God, in whom is our only confidence."

After passing this barrier some distance, our advanced guard descried
about thirty of the Tlascalan troops, who had been sent to observe us.
Cortes sent on the cavalry to endeavour to take some of these men
prisoners, while the infantry advanced at a quick pace to support the
advanced guard. Our cavalry immediately attacked, but the Tlascalans
defended themselves bravely with their swords, wounding some of the horses
severely, on which our people had to kill five of them, but were unable to
make any prisoners. A body of three thousand warriors now sallied out upon
us with great fury from an ambush, and began to discharge their arrows at
our cavalry; but as our artillery and musquetry were now ready to bear
upon them, we soon compelled them to give way, though in a regular manner,
and fighting as they retreated; leaving seventeen of their men dead on the
field; and one of our men was so severely wounded as to die a few days
after. As the day was near a close, we did not attempt any pursuit; but
continued our march, in which we soon descended from the hills into a flat
country, thickly set with farm-houses, among fields of maize and the
Maguay plant. We halted for the night on the banks of a brook, where we
dressed our wounds with the _grease of a fat Indian_ who was slain in the
skirmish; and though the natives had carried away all their provisions, we
caught their dogs when they returned at night to the houses, and made a
comfortable supper of that unusual fare. Next day, after recommending
ourselves to God, we resumed our march against the Tlascalan army; both
cavalry and infantry being duly instructed how to act when we came to
battle; the cavalry to charge right through, and the infantry to preserve
a firm array. We soon fell in with the enemy, to the number of about 6000
men in two bodies, who immediately attacked us with great spirit,
discharging their arrows, shouting, and sounding their martial instruments.
Cortes halted the army, and sent three prisoners to demand a peaceable
conference, and to assure them we wished to treat them as brothers;
ordering at the same time the notary Godoy, to witness this message
officially. This message had no effect, as they attacked us more fiercely
than before, on which Cortes gave the word, _St Jago, and on them_. We
accordingly made a furious onset, slaying many with the first discharges
of our artillery, three of their chiefs falling on this occasion. They now
retreated to some uneven ground, where the whole army of the state of
Tlascala, 40,000 in number, were posted under cover, commanded by
_Xicotencatl_, the general in chief of the republic. As the cavalry could
not act in this uneven ground, we were forced to fight our way through as
well as we were able in a compact column, assailed on every side by the
enemy, who were exceedingly expert archers. They were all clothed in white
and red, with devices of the same colours, being the uniform of their
general. Besides the multitudes who discharged continual flights of arrows,
many of them who were armed with lances closed upon us while we were
embarrassed by the inequality of the ground; but as soon as we got again
into the plain, we made a good use of our cavalry and artillery. Yet they
fought incessantly against us with astonishing intrepidity, closing upon
us all around, so that we were in the utmost danger at every step, but God
supported and assisted us. While closely environed in this manner, a
number of their strongest warriors, armed with tremendous two-handed
swords, made a combined attack on Pedro de Moron, an expert horseman, who
was charging through them accompanied by other three of our cavalry. They
seized his lance and wounded himself dangerously, and one of them cut
through the neck of his horse with a blow of a two-handed sword, so that
he fell down dead. We rescued Moron from the enemy with the utmost
difficulty, even cutting the girths and bringing off his saddle, but ten
of our number were wounded in the attempt, and believe we then slew ten of
their chiefs, while fighting hand to hand. They at length began to retire,
taking with them the body of the horse, which they cut in pieces, and
distributed through all the districts of Tlascala as a trophy of victory.
Moron died soon after of his wounds, at least I have no remembrance of
seeing him afterwards. After a severe and close conflict of above an hour,
during which our artillery swept down multitudes out of the numerous and
crowded bodies of the enemy, they drew off in a regular manner, leaving
the field to us, who were too much fatigued to pursue. We took up our
quarters, therefore, in the nearest village, named _Teoatzinco_, where we
found numbers of subterraneous dwellings. This battle was fought on the 2d
September 1519. The loss of the enemy on this occasion was very
considerable, eight of their principal chiefs being slain, but how many
others we know not, as whenever an Indian is wounded or slain, he is
immediately carried off by his companions. Fifteen of them were made
prisoners, of whom two were chiefs. On our side fifteen men were wounded,
one only of whom died. As soon as we got clear of the enemy, we gave
thanks to God for his merciful preservation, and took post in a strong and
spacious temple, where we dressed our wounds with the fat of Indians. We
obtained a plentiful supply of food from the fowls and dogs which we found
in the houses of the village, and posted strong guards on every side for
our security.

We continued quietly in the temple for one day, to repose after the
fatigues of the battle, occupying ourselves in repairing our cross-bows,
and making arrows. Next day Cortes sent out seven of our cavalry with two
hundred infantry and all our allies, to scour the country, which is very
flat and well adapted for the movements of cavalry, and this detachment
brought in twenty prisoners, some of whom were women, without meeting with
any injury from the enemy, neither did the Spaniards do any mischief; but
our allies, being very cruel, made great havoc, and came back loaded with
dogs and fowls. Immediately on our return, Cortes released all the
prisoners, after giving them food and kind treatment, desiring them to
expostulate with their companions on the madness of resisting our arms. He
likewise released the two chiefs who had been taken in the preceding
battle, with a letter in token of credence, desiring them to inform their
countrymen that he only asked to pass through their country in his way to
Mexico. These chiefs waited accordingly on _Xicotencatl_, whose army was
posted about two leagues from our quarters, at a place called
_Tehuacinpacingo_, and delivered the message of Cortes. To this the
Tlascalan general replied, "Tell them to go to Tlascala, where we shall
give them peace by offering their hearts and blood to our gods, and by
feasting on their bodies." After what we had already experienced of the
number and valour of the enemy, this horrible answer did not afford us
much consolation; but Cortes concealed his fears, and treated the
messengers more kindly than ever, to induce them to carry a fresh message.
By inquiry from them he got the following account of the number of the
enemy and of the nature of the command enjoyed by its general. The army
now opposed to us consisted of the troops or quotas of five great chiefs,
each consisting of 10,000 men. These chiefs were _Xicotencatl_ the elder,
father to the general, _Maxicotzin_, _Chichimecatecle, _Tecapaneca_
cacique of _Topeyanco_, and a cacique named _Guaxocinga_[4]. Thus 50,000
men were now collected against us under the banner of Xicotencatl, which
was a white bird like an ostrich with its wings spread out[5]. The other
divisions had each its distinguishing banner, every cacique bearing these
cognizances like our Spanish nobles, a circumstance we could not credit
when so informed by our prisoners. This formidable intelligence did not
tend to lessen the fears which the terrible answer of Xicotencatl had
occasioned, and we prepared for the expected battle of the next day, by
confessing our sins to our reverend fathers, who were occupied in this
holy office during the whole night[6].

On the 5th of September, we marched out with our whole force, the wounded
not excepted, having our colours flying and guarded by four soldiers
appointed for that purpose. The crossbow-men and musketeers were ordered to
fire alternately, so that some of them might be always loaded: The
soldiers carrying swords and bucklers were directed to use their points
only, thrusting home through the bodies of the enemy, by which they were
less exposed to missile weapons; and the cavalry were ordered to charge at
half speed, levelling their lances at the eyes of the enemy, and charging
clear through without halting to make thrusts. We had hardly marched half
a quarter of a league, when we observed the whole army of the enemy,
covering the plain on every side as far as the eye could reach, each
separate body displaying its particular device or standard, and all
advancing to the sound of martial music. A great deal might be said of
this tremendous and long doubtful battle, in which four hundred of us were
opposed to prodigious hosts, which surrounded us on every side, filling
all the plains to the extent of two leagues. Their first discharges of
arrows, stones, and double-headed darts covered the whole ground which we
occupied, and they advanced continually till closed upon us all around,
attacking us with the utmost resolution with lances and two-handed swords,
encouraging each other by continual shouts. Our artillery, musketry, and
cross-bows plied them with incessant discharges, and made prodigious havoc
among the crowded masses of the enemy, and the home thrusts of our
infantry with their swords, prevented them from closing up so near as they
had done in the former battle. Yet with all our efforts, our battalion was
at one time completely broken into and separated, and all the exertions of
our general was for some time unable to get us again into order; at length,
however, by the diligent use of our swords, we forced them from among us,
and were able again to close our ranks. During the whole battle our
cavalry produced admirable effects, by incessant charges through the
thickest of the enemy. We in some measure owed our safety, under God, to
the unwieldy multitude of the enemy, so that some of the divisions could
never get up to the attack. One of the grand divisions, composed of the
warriors dependant on _Guaxocinga_, was prevented from taking any share in
the battle by _Chichemecatecle_[7], their commander, who had been provoked
by some insulting language by Xicotencatl respecting his conduct in the
preceding engagement, of which circumstance we received information
afterwords. The circumstance of these divisions not joining in the battle,
slackened the ardour of the rest, more especially after they had
experienced the terrible effects of our cavalry, artillery, and other
offensive weapons; and one of their greatest chiefs being killed, they at
length drew off from the fight, and were pursued to a short distance by
our cavalry. In this great battle, one only of our soldiers was killed,
but seventy men and all our horses were wounded. I had two wounds, one by
an arrow and the other by a stone, but they were not sufficient to make me
unfit for duty. Thus again masters of the field, we gave thanks to God for
his merciful preservation, and returned to our former post, first burying
our dead companion in one of the subterraneous houses, which was filled up
and levelled, that his body might not be discovered by the enemy. We
passed the ensuing night in a most comfortless situation, not being able
to procure even oil and salt, and exposed to excessive cold winds from the
snowy mountains.

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