A Ramble of Six Thousand Miles through the United States of America by S. A. Ferrall
S >>
S. A. Ferrall >> A Ramble of Six Thousand Miles through the United States of America
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
8 |
9 | 10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
14
Lands 2,329,356 14
Dividends on bank stock 490,000 00
Incidental receipts 102,368 98
_____________
The expenditures for the same year were 24,585,281 55
viz.
Civil list, foreign intercourse,
and miscellaneous 3,237,416 04
Military service, including
fortifications, ordnance,
Indian affairs,
pensions, arming the
militia, and internal
improvements 6,752,688 66
Naval service, including
sums appropriated
to the gradual
improvement of the
navy[14] 3,239,428 63
Public debt 11,355,748 22
_____________
Leaving a balance in the treasury
on the 1st of January, 1831, of 6,014,539 75
_Public Debt_.
Dollars. Cts.
The payments made on account of the
Public Debt, during the first three
quarters of the year 1831, amounted to 9,883,479 46
It was estimated that the payments to
be made in the fourth quarter of the
same year, would amount to 6,205,810 21
______________
Making the whole amount of disbursments
on account of the Debt in 1831 16,089,289 67
THE PUBLIC DEBT, ON THE SECOND OF JANUARY, 1832, WILL
BE AS FOLLOWS, VIZ.;--
1. _Funded Debt_.
Dollars. Cts.
Three per cents, per act
of the 4th of August,
1790, redeemable at the
pleasure of government 13,296,626 21
Five per cents, per act of
the 3rd of March, 1821,
redeemable after the 1st
January, 1823 4,735,296 30
Five per cents, (exchanged),
per act of 20th of
April, 1823; one third
redeemable annually
after 31st of December,
1830, 1831 and 1832 56,704 77
Four and half per cents.
per act of the 24th of
May, 1824, redeemable
after 1st of January,
1832 1,739,524 01
Four and half per cents.
(exchanged), per act of
the 26th of May, 1824;
one half redeemable
after the 31st day of
December, 1832 4,454,727 95
______________
24,282,879 24
2. _Unfunded Debt_.
Registered Debt, being
claims registered prior
to the year 1793, for
services and supplies
during the revolutionary war 27,919 85
Treasury notes 7,116 00
Mississippi stock 4,320 09
______________
39,355 94
Making the whole amount of the Public
Debt of the United States 24,322,235 18
______________
Which is, allowing 480 cents to the
sovereign, in sterling money L5,067,132 6_s_. 7_d_.
General Jackson has proposed another source of national revenue, in the
establishment of a bank; the profits of which, instead of going into the
pockets of stock-holders as at present, should be placed to the credit of
the nation. If an establishment of this nature could be formed, without
involving higher interests than the mere pecuniary concerns of the
country, no doubt it would be most desirable. But how a _government_ bank
could be so formed as that it should not throw immense and dangerous
influence into the hands of the executive, appears difficult to determine.
If it be at all connected with the government, the executive must exercise
an extensive authority over its affairs; and in that case, the mercantile
portion of the community would lie completely under the surveillance of
the president, who might at pleasure exercise this immense patronage to
forward private political designs. No doubt there have been abuses to a
considerable extent practised by the present bank of the United States in
the exercise of its functions; but how those abuses are likely to be
remedied by Jackson's plan, does not appear. For, let the directors be
appointed by government, or elected by congress, they must still exercise
discretional power; and they are quite as likely to exercise it
unwarrantably as those who have a direct interest in the prosperity of the
concern. I totally disapprove of the attempt to correct the abuses of one
monopoly by the establishment of another in its stead, of a still more
dangerous character; and I am inclined to think that if two banks were
chartered instead of one, each having ample capital to insure public
confidence, competition alone would furnish a sufficient motive to induce
them to act with justice and liberality towards the public.
In 1766, Kentucky was first explored, by John Finlay, an Indian trader,
Colonel Daniel Boon, and others. They again visited it in 1769, when the
whole party, excepting Boon, were slain by the Indians--he escaped, and
reached North Carolina, where he then resided. Accompanied by about forty
expert hunters, comprised in five families, in the year 1775, he set
forward to make a settlement in the country. They erected a fort on the
banks of the Kentucky river, and being joined by several other
adventurers, they finally succeeded. The Kentuckians tell of many a bloody
battle fought by these pioneers, and boast that their country has been
gained, every inch, by conquest.
The climate of Kentucky is favourable to the growth of hemp, flax,
tobacco, and all kinds of grain. The greater portion of the soil is rich
loam, black, or mixed with reddish earth, generally to the depth of five
or six feet, on a limestone bottom. The produce of corn is about sixty
bushels on an average per acre, and of wheat about thirty-five; cotton is
partially cultivated. The scenery is varied, and the country well
watered.
The Kentuckians all carry large pocket knives, which they never fail to
use in a scuffle; and you may see a gentleman seated at the tavern door,
balanced on two legs of a chair, picking his teeth with a knife, the blade
of which is full six inches long, or cutting the benches, posts, or any
thing else that may lie within his reach. Notwithstanding this, the
Kentuckians are by no means more quarrelsome than any other people of the
western states; and they are vastly less so than the people of Ireland.
But when they do commence hostilities, they fight with great bitterness,
as do most Americans, biting, gouging, and cutting unrelentingly.
I never went into a court-house in the west _in summer_, without observing
that the judges and lawyers had their feet invariably placed upon the
desks before them, and raised much higher than their heads. This, however,
is only in the western country; for in the courts at Orleans, New York,
and Philadelphia, the greatest order and regularity is observed. I had
been told that the judges often slept upon the bench; but I must confess,
that although I have entered court-houses at all seasons during the space
of fifteen months, I never saw an instance of it. I have frequently
remonstrated with the Americans, on the total absence of forms and
ceremonies in their courts of justice, and was commonly answered by "Yes,
that may be quite necessary in England, in order to overawe a parcel of
ignorant creatures, who have no share in making the laws; but with us, a
man's a man, whether he have a silk gown on him or not; and I guess he can
decide quite as well without a big wig as with one. You see, we have done
with wiggery of all kinds; and if one of our judges were to wear such an
appendage, he'd be taken for a merry-andrew, and the court would become a
kind of show-box--instead of such arrangements producing with us
solemnity, they would produce nothing but laughter, and the greatest
possible irregularity."
I was present at an election in the interior of the state. The office was
that of representative in the state legislature, and the candidates were a
hatter and a saddler; the former was also a militia major, and a Methodist
preacher, of the Percival and Gordon school, who eschewed the devil and
all the backsliding abominations of the flesh, as in duty bound. Sundry
"stump orations" were delivered on the occasion, for the enlightenment of
the electors; and towards the close of the proceedings, by way of an
appropriate finale, the aforesaid triune-citizen and another gentleman,
had a gouging scrape on the hustings. The major in this contest proved
himself to be a true Kentuckian; that is, half a horse, and half an
alligator; which contributed not a little to ensure his return. After the
election, I was conversing with one of the most violent opponents of the
successful candidate, and remarked to him, that I supposed he would rally
his forces at the next election to put out the major: he replied, "I can't
tell that!" I said, "why? will you not oppose him?" "Oh!" he says, "for
that matter, he may do his duty pretty well." "And do you mean to say,"
continued I, "that if he should do so, you will give him no opposition?"
He looked at me, as if he did not clearly comprehend, and said, "Why, I
guess not."
The boatmen of the Ohio and Mississippi are the most riotous and lawless
set of people in America, and the least inclined to submit to the
constituted authorities. At Cincinnati I saw one of those persons
arrested, on the wharf, for debt. He seemed little inclined to submit; as,
could he contrive to escape to the opposite shore, he was safe. He called
upon his companions in the flat-boat, who came instantly to his
assistance, and were apparently ready to rescue him from the clutches of
this trans-Atlantic bum-bailiff. The constable instantly pulled out--not a
pistol, but a small piece of paper, and said, "I take him in the name of
the States." The messmates of this unfortunate navigator looked at him for
some time, and then one of them said drily, "I guess you must go with the
constable." Subsequently, at New York, one evening returning to my hotel,
I heard a row in a tavern, and wishing to see the process of capturing
refractory citizens, I entered with some other persons. The constable was
there unsupported by any of his brethren, and it seemed to me to be
morally impossible that, without assistance, he could take half a dozen
fellows, who were with difficulty restrained from whipping each other.
However, his hand seemed to be as potent as the famous magic wand of
Armida, for on placing it on the shoulders of the combatants, they fell
into the ranks, and marched off with him as quietly as if they had been
sheep. The rationale of the matter is this: those men had all exercised
the franchise, if not in the election of these very constables, of
others, and they therefore not only considered it to be their duty to
support the constable's authority, but actually felt a strong inclination
to do so. Because they _knew_ that the authority he exercised was only
delegated to him by themselves, and that, in resisting him, they would
resist their own sovereignty. Even in large towns in the western country,
the constable has no men under his command, but always finds most powerful
allies in the citizens themselves, whenever a lawless scoundrel, or a
culprit is to be captured.
At Flemingsburg I saw an Albino, a female about fourteen years old. Her
parents were clear negros, of the Congo or Guinea race, and in every thing
but colour she perfectly resembled them. Her form, face, and hair,
possessed the true negro characteristics--curved shins, projecting jaw,
retreating forehead, and woolly head. The skin was rather whiter than that
of the generality of Europeans, but was deficient in glossiness, and
although perfectly smooth, had a dry appearance. The wool on the head was
of a light flaxen colour, and the iris of the eye was of a reddish-blue
tinge. Her eyes were so weak as to bear with difficulty the glare of day.
Most Albinos are dim sighted until twilight, when they appear to have as
perfect vision as persons with the strongest sight, and in many cases,
even more acute. This individual had evidently weak sight, as the eyelids
were generally half closed, and she always held her head down during day
light.
Near the banks of the Ohio, full three hundred miles from the sea, I found
conglomerations of marine shells, mixed with siliceous earth; and in
nearly all the runs throughout Kentucky, limestone pebbles are found,
bearing the perfect impressions of the interior of shells. The most
abundant proofs are every where exhibited, that at one period the vast
savannahs and lofty mountains of the New world were submerged; and perhaps
the present bed of the ocean was once covered with verdure, and the seat
of the sorrows and joys of myriads of human beings, who erected cities,
and built pyramids, and monuments, which Time has long since swept away,
and wrapt in his eternal mantle of oblivion. That a constant, but almost
imperceptible change is hourly taking place in the earth's surface,
appears to be established; and independent of the extraordinary
_bouleversements_, which have at intervals convulsed our globe, this
gradual revolution has produced, and will produce again, a total
alteration in the face of nature.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] Amongst other plans to this effect, there is one proposed, by which
midshipmen on half-pay will be obliged to make at least two voyages
annually, in merchant ships, as mates, and all others must have done so,
in order to entitle them to be reinstated in their former rank. Another
is, that there shall be small vessels, rigged and fitted out in war
style, appropriated to the purpose of teaching pupils, practically, the
science of navigation, and the discipline necessary to be observed on
board vessels of war. The Americans may not eat their fish with silver
forks, nor lave their fingers in the most approved style; yet they are by
no means so contemptible a people as some of our small gentry affect to
think. They may too, occasionally, be put down in political argument, by
the dogmatical method of the quarter-deck; but I must confess that _I_
never was so fortunate as to come in contact with any who reasoned so
badly as the persons Captain Bazil Hall introduces in his book.
CHAPTER IX.
The wailings of the Cherokee, the Choctaw, and the Creek, may have been
wafted across the waters of the great salt lake, and the Pale-face in his
own land may have heard their lamentations;--but the distant voice is
scattered by the passing winds, and is heard like the whisper of a summer
breeze as it steals along the prairies of the west, or the cry of the
wish-ton-wish as it faintly reaches the ear of the navigator, when, in the
stilly night, he floats down "the old father of waters."
The present posture of Indian affairs, and the peculiar situation of the
Indian nations east of the Mississippi, have caused that unfortunate
people to be the topic of much political controversy and conversation; a
succinct account of the political condition of these tribes, and of the
policy which has been pursued, and which is being pursued towards them, by
the executive government, may not therefore be uninteresting.
When Georgia, by becoming a member of the Union, ceded part of her
sovereignty to the general executive, that government acknowledged her
claimed limits, and guaranteed to her the protection of the Union against
foreign and domestic violence. Subsequently, in the year of 1802, in
consideration of a certain portion of lands ceded, the United States
became bound to purchase for Georgia, any claim which the Cherokee nation
might have on lands within her boundaries, whenever such purchase could be
made on reasonable terms. On these positions are based the Georgian
claims, which the United States government has hitherto pleaded inability
to satisfy, inasmuch as all efforts to purchase the Indian lands have
proved fruitless.
After the lapse of twenty-seven years, Georgia, finding herself precisely
in the same condition in which she then stood, has determined on forcibly
taking possession of the Cherokee lands, and extending her sovereignty
over the Cherokee people. But as this cannot be effected without doing
manifest violence to the Indian rights, she brings forward arguments to
show, that _she_ never acknowledged the independence of the Cherokee
nation; that that nation, from the time of the first settlement made by
Europeans in America, stood in the position of a conquered people; that
the sovereignty consequently dwelt in the hands of Great Britain; and
that, on the Declaration of independence, Georgia, by becoming a free
state, became invested with all the powers of sovereignty claimed or
exercised by Great Britain over the Georgian territory: and further, that
in November, 1785, when the first and only treaty was concluded with the
Cherokees by the United States, during the articles of confederation, both
she and North Carolina entered their solemn protests against this alleged
violation of their legislative rights. The executive government pretends
not to argue the case with Georgia, and is left no alternative but either
to annul its _conditional_ treaty with that state, or to cancel _thirteen
distinct treaties_ entered into with the Indians, despoil them of their
lands, and rob them of their independence. Jackson's message says, "It is
too late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to include
them and their territory within bounds of new states, whose limits they
could control. That step cannot be retracted. A state cannot be
dismembered by Congress, or restrained in the exercise of her
constitutional powers." Here the executive government acknowledges that it
made promises to Georgia, which it has been unable to perform--that it
guaranteed to that state the possession of lands over which it had no
legitimate control, on the mere assumption of being able to make their
purchase.
The Cherokees in their petition and memorials to Congress show, that Great
Britain never exercised any sovereignty over them;--that in peace and in
war she always treated them as a free people, and never assumed to herself
the right of interfering with their internal government:--that in every
treaty made with them by the United States, their sovereignty and total
independence are clearly acknowledged, and that they have ever been
considered as a distinct nation, exercising all the privileges and
immunities enjoyed by any independent people. They say, "In addition to
that first of all rights, the right of inheritance and peaceable
possession, we have the faith and pledge of the United States, over and
over again, in treaties made at various times. By these treaties our
rights as a separate people are distinctly acknowledged, and guarantees
given that they shall be secured and protected. So we have also
understood the treaties. The conduct of the government towards us, from
its organization until very lately--the talks given to our beloved men by
the Presidents of the United States--and the speeches of the agents and
commissioners--all concur to show that we are not mistaken in our
interpretation. Some of our beloved men who signed the treaties are still
living, and their testimony tends to the same conclusion." * * * * "In
what light shall we view the conduct of the United States and Georgia in
their intercourse with us, in urging us to enter into treaties and cede
lands? If we were but tenants at will, why was it necessary that our
consent must first be obtained before these governments could take lawful
possession of our lands? The answer is obvious. These governments
perfectly understand our rights--our right to the country, and our right
to self-government. Our understanding of the treaties is further supported
by the intercourse law of the United States, which prohibits all
encroachment on our territory."
The arguments used by the Cherokees are unanswerable; but in what will
that avail them, when injustice is intended by a superior power, which,
regardless of national faith, has determined on taking possession of their
lands? The case stands thus: the executive government enters into an
agreement with Georgia, and engages to deliver over to the state the
Indian possessions within her claimed limits--without the Indians _having
any knowledge of, or participation in the transaction._ Now what, may I
ask, have the Indians to do with this? Ought they to be made answerable
for the gross misconduct of the two governments, and to be despoiled,
contrary to every principle of justice, and in defiance of the most plain
and fundamental law of property? It puts one in mind of the judgment of
the renowned "Walter the Doubter," who decided between two citizens, that,
as their account books appeared to be of equal _weight_, therefore their
accounts were balanced, and that _the constable_ should pay the costs. The
United States government has made several offers to the Cherokees for
their lands; which they have as constantly refused, and said, "that they
were very well contented where they were--that they did not wish to leave
the bones of their ancestors, and go beyond the Mississippi; but that, if
the country be so beautiful as their white brother represents it, they
would recommend their white brother to go there himself."
Georgia presses upon the executive; which, in this dilemma, comes forward
with affected sympathy--deplores the unfortunate situation in which it is
placed, but of course concludes that faith must be kept with Georgia, and
that the Cherokee must either go, or submit to laws that make it far
better for him to go than stay. It is true Jackson says in his message,
"This emigration should be voluntary; for it would be cruel as unjust to
compel the Aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers, and seek a
home in a distant land." But General Jackson well knows that the laws of
Georgia leave the Indian no choice--as no community of men, civilized or
savage, could possibly exist under such laws. The benefit and protection
of the laws, to which the Indian is made subject, are entirely withheld
from him--he can be no party to a suit--he may be robbed and murdered with
impunity--his property may be taken, and he may be driven from his
dwelling--in fine, he is left liable to every species of insult, outrage,
cruelty, and dishonesty, without the most distant hope of obtaining
redress; for in Georgia _an Indian cannot be a witness to prove facts
against a white man._ Yet General Jackson says, "this emigration should be
_voluntary_;" and in the very same paragraph, with a single sweep of the
pen, he annihilates all the treaties that have been made with that
people--tramples under foot the laws of nations, and deprives the Indian
of his hunting-grounds, one of his sources of subsistence. He says,--"But
it seems to me visionary to suppose that, in this state of things, claims
can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor
made improvements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain,
or passed them in the chase." It certainly may be unphilosophical to
permit any man to possess more ground than he can till with his own hands;
yet surely arguments that we do not admit as regards ourselves, we can
with no sense of propriety use towards others, particularly when our own
acts are directly in the very teeth of this principle. There is more land
at present within the limits and in the possession of the United States
than would be sufficient to support thirty times the present
population--yet to this must be added the hunting-grounds of the Indians,
merely because "it is _visionary to suppose_ they have any claim on what
they do not _actually occupy!"_
I have now before me the particulars of thirteen treaties[15] made by the
United States with the Cherokee nation, from the year 1785 down to 1819
inclusive; in all of which the rights of the Indians are clearly
acknowledged, either directly, or by implication; and by the seventh
article of the treaty of Holston, executed in 1791, being the first
concluded with that people by the United States, under their present
constitution, all the lands not thereby ceded are solemnly guaranteed to
the Cherokee nation. The subsequent treaties are made with reference to,
and in confirmation of this, and continually reiterate the guarantees
therein tendered.
To talk of justice, and honour, would be idle and visionary, for these
seem to have been thrown overboard at the very commencement of the
contest; but I would ask the American _people_, is their conduct towards
the Indians politic?--is it politic in America, in the face of civilized
nations, to violate treaties? is it politic in her, to hold herself up to
the world as faithless and unjust--as a nation, which, in defiance of all
moral obligation, will break her most sacred contracts, whenever it
becomes no longer her interest to keep them, and she finds herself in a
condition to do so with impunity? is she not furnishing foreign statesmen
with a ready and powerful argument in defence of their violating treaties
with her? can they not with justice say--America has manifested in her
proceedings towards the Cherokee nation, that she is faithless--that she
keeps no treaties longer than it may be her _interest_ to do so--and are
_we_ to make ourselves the dupes of such a power, and wait until she finds
herself in a condition to deceive us? I could produce many arguments to
illustrate the impolicy of this conduct; but as I intend confining myself
to a mere sketch, I shall dwell but as short a time as may be consistent
on the several facts connected with the case.
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
8 |
9 | 10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
14