The Winning of the West, Volume Two by Theodore Roosevelt

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The Americans were discovered by their foes when only a quarter of a
mile away. They had formed their forces as they marched. The right
centre was composed of Campbell's troops; the left centre of Shelby's.
These two bodies separated slightly so as to come up opposite sides of
the narrow southwestern spur of the mountain. The right wing was led by
Sevier, with his own and McDowell's troops. On the extreme right Major
Winston, splitting off from the main body a few minutes before, had led
a portion of Cleavland's men by a roundabout route to take the mountain
in the rear, and cut off all retreat. He and his followers "rode like
fox-hunters," as was afterwards reported by one of their number who was
accustomed to following the buck and the gray fox with horn and hound.
They did not dismount until they reached the foot of the mountain,
galloping at full speed through the rock-strewn woods; and they struck
exactly the right place, closing up the only gap by which the enemy
could have retreated. The left wing was led by Cleavland. It contained
not only the bulk of his own Wilkes and Surrey men, but also the North
and South Carolinians who had joined the army at the Cowpens under the
command of Williams, Lacey, Hambright, Chronicle, and others.
[Footnote: Draper gives a good plan of the battle. He also gives some
pictures of the fighting, in which the backwoodsmen are depicted in full
Continental uniform, which probably not a man--certainly very few of
them--wore.] The different leaders cheered on their troops by a few last
words as they went into the fight; being especially careful to warn them
how to deal with the British bayonet charges. Campbell had visited each
separate band, again requesting every man who felt like flinching not to
go into the battle. He bade them hold on to every inch of ground as long
as possible, and when forced back to rally and return at once to the
fight. Cleavland gave much the same advice; telling his men that when
once engaged they were not to wait for the word of command, but to do as
he did, for he would show them by his example how to fight, and they
must then act as their own officers. The men were to fire quickly, and
stand their ground as long as possible, if necessary sheltering
themselves behind trees. If they could do no better they were to
retreat, but not to run quite off; but to return and renew the struggle,
for they might have better luck at the next attempt. [Footnote: Ramsay
("Revolution in South Carolina"), writing in 1785, gives the speech
verbatim, apparently from Cleavland himself. It is very improbable that
it is verbally correct, but doubtless it represents the spirit of his
remarks.]

So rapid were the movements of the Americans, and so unexpected the
attack, that a loyalist officer, who had been out reconnoitring, had
just brought word to the British commander that there was no sign of
danger, when the first shots were heard; and by the time the officer had
paraded and posted his men, the assault had begun, his horse had been
killed, and he himself wounded. [Footnote: "Essays in Military
Biography," Col. Charles Cornwallis Chesney, London, 1874. On p. 323
begins a memoir of "A Carolina Loyalist in the Revolutionary War." It is
written by the loyalist himself, who was presumably a relation of Col.
Chesney's. It was evidently written after the event, and there are some
lapses. Thus he makes the war with the Cherokees take place in 1777,
instead of '76. His explanation of Tarleton's defeat at the Cowpens must
be accepted with much reserve. At King's Mountain he says the Americans
had fifteen hundred men, instead of twenty-five hundred, of which
Allaire speaks. Allaire probably consciously exaggerated the number.]

When Ferguson learned that his foes were on him, he sprang on his horse,
his drums beat to arms, and he instantly made ready for the fight.
Though surprised by the unexpected approach of the American, he exerted
himself with such energy that his troops were in battle array when the
attack began. The outcrops of slaty rock on the hill-sides made ledges
which, together with the boulders strewn on top, served as breastworks
for the less disciplined tories; while he in person led his regulars and
such of the loyalist companies as were furnished with the hunting-knife
bayonets. He hoped to be able to repulse his enemies by himself taking
the offensive, with a succession of bayonet charges; a form of attack in
which his experience with Pulaski and Huger had given him great
confidence.

At three o'clock in the afternoon the firing began, as the Americans
drove in the British pickets. The brunt of the battle fell on the
American centre, composed of Campbell's and Shelby's men, who sustained
the whole fight for nearly ten minutes [Footnote: Campbell MSS. Letter
of Col. Wm. Campbell, Oct. 10, 1780, says 10 minutes: the official
report (Gates MSS.) says 5 minutes.] until the two wings had had time to
get into place and surround the enemy. Campbell began the assault,
riding on horseback along the line of his riflemen. He ordered them to
raise the Indian war-whoop, which they did with a will, and made the
woods ring. [Footnote: _Richmond Enquirer_ (Nov. 12, 1822 and May 9,
1823) certificates of King's Mountain survivors--of James Crow, May 6,
1813; David Beattie, May 4, 1813, etc., etc. All the different
commanders claimed the honor of beginning the battle in after-life; the
official report decides it in favor of Campbell and Shelby, the former
being the first actually engaged, as is acknowledged by Shelby in his
letter to Arthur Campbell on October 12, 1780.] They then rushed upwards
and began to fire, each on his own account; while their war cries echoed
along the hill-side. Ferguson's men on the summit responded with heavy
volley firing, and then charged, cheering lustily. The mountain was
covered with smoke and flame, and seemed to thunder. [Footnote: Haywood,
71; doubtless he uses the language of one of the actors.]

Ferguson's troops advanced steadily, their officers riding at their
head, with their swords flashing; and the mountaineers, who had no
bayonets, could not withstand the shock. They fled down the hill-side,
and being sinewy, nimble men, swift of foot, they were not overtaken,
save a few of sullen temper, who would not retreat and were bayoneted.
One of their officers, a tall backwoodsman, six feet in height, was cut
down by Lieutenant Allaire, a New York loyalist, as the latter rode at
the head of his platoon. No sooner had the British charge spent itself
than Campbell, who was riding midway between the enemy and his own men,
called out to the latter in a voice of thunder to rally and return to
the fight, and in a minute or two they were all climbing the hill again,
going from tree to tree, and shooting at the soldiers on the summit.
Campbell's horse, exhausted by the breakneck galloping hither and
thither over the slope, gave out; he then led the men on foot, his voice
hoarse with shouting, his face blackened with powder; for he was always
in the front of the battle and nearest the enemy.

No sooner had Ferguson returned from his charge on Campbell than he
found Shelby's men swarming up to the attack on the other side. Shelby
himself was at their head. He had refused to let his people return the
dropping fire of the tory skirmishers until they were close up. Ferguson
promptly charged his new foes and drove them down the hill-side; but the
instant he stopped, Shelby, who had been in the thick of the fight,
closest to the British, brought his marksmen back, and they came up
nearer than ever, and with a deadlier fire. [Footnote: Shelby MS.] While
Ferguson's bayonet-men--both regulars and militia--charged to and fro,
the rest of the loyalists kept up a heavy fire from behind the rocks on
the hill-top. The battle raged in every part, for the Americans had by
this time surrounded their foes, and they advanced rapidly under cover
of the woods. They inflicted much more damage than they suffered, for
they were scattered out while the royalist troops were close together,
and moreover, were continually taken in flank. Ferguson, conspicuous
from his hunting-shirt, [Footnote: The "Carolina Loyalist" speaks as if
the hunting-shirt were put on for disguise; he says Ferguson was
recognized, "although wearing a hunting-shirt."] rode hither and thither
with reckless bravery, his sword in his left hand-for he had never
entirely regained the use of his wounded right--while he made his
presence known by the shrill, ear-piercing notes of a silver whistle
which he always carried. Whenever the British and tories charged with
the bayonet, under Ferguson, De Peyster, or some of their lieutenants,
the mountaineers were forced back down the hill; but the instant the red
lines halted and returned to the summit, the stubborn riflemen followed
close behind, and from every tree and boulder continued their irregular
and destructive fire. The peculiar feature of the battle was the success
with which, after every retreat, Campbell, Shelby, Sevier, and Cleavland
rallied their followers on the instant; the great point was to prevent
the men from becoming panic-stricken when forced to flee. The pealing
volleys of musketry at short intervals drowned the incessant clatter of
the less noisy but more deadly backwoods rifles. The wild whoops of the
mountain men, the cheering of the loyalists, the shouts of the officers,
and the cries of the wounded mingled with the reports of the firearms,
and shrill above the din rose the calling of the silver whistle.
Wherever its notes were heard the wavering British line came on, and the
Americans were forced back. Ferguson dashed from point to point, to
repel the attacks of his foes, which were made with ever-increasing
fury. Two horses were killed under him; [Footnote: Ferguson's "Memoir,"
p. 32.] but he continued to lead the charging parties; slashing and
hewing with his sword until it was broken off at the hilt. At last, as
he rode full speed against a part of Sevier's men, who had almost gained
the hill crest, he became a fair mark for the vengeful backwoods
riflemen. Several of them fired together and he fell suddenly from his
horse, pierced by half a dozen bullets almost at the same instant. The
gallant British leader was dead, while his foot yet hung in the stirrup.
[Footnote: The "South Carolina Loyalist" says he was killed just as he
had slain Col. Williams "with his left hand." Ramsey, on the other side,
represents Col. Williams as being shot while dashing forward to kill
Ferguson. Williams certainly was not killed by Ferguson himself; and in
all probability the latter was slain earlier in the action and in an
entirely different part of the line. The "Loyalist" is also in error as
to Cleavland's regiment being the first that was charged. There is no
ground whatever for the statement that Ferguson was trying to escape
when shot; nor was there any attempt at a charge of horsemen, made in
due form. The battle was purely one of footmen and the attempt to show
an effort at a cavalry charge at the end is a simple absurdity.]

The silver whistle was now silent, but the disheartened loyalists were
rallied by De Peyster, who bravely continued the fight. [Footnote: In
his _Hist. Mag._ article Gen. Watts De Peyster clears his namesake's
reputation from all charge of cowardice; but his account of how De
Peyster counselled and planned all sorts of expedients that might have
saved the loyalists is decidedly mythical.] It is said that he himself
led one of the charges which were at this time made on Cleavland's line;
the "South Fork" men from the Catawba, under Hambright and Chronicle,
being forced back, Chronicle being killed and Hambright wounded. When
the Americans fled they were scarcely a gun's length ahead of their
foes; and the instant the latter faced about, the former were rallied by
their officers, and again went up the hill. One of the backwoodsmen was
in the act of cocking his rifle when a loyalist, dashing at him with the
bayonet, pinned his hand to his thigh; the rifle went off, the ball
going through the loyalist's body, and the two men fell together.
Hambright, though wounded, was able to sit in the saddle, and continued
in the battle. Cleavland had his horse shot under him, and then led his
men on foot. As the lines came close together, many of the whigs
recognized in the tory ranks their former neighbors, friends, or
relatives; and the men taunted and jeered one another with bitter
hatred. In more than one instance brother was slain by brother or cousin
by cousin. The lowland tories felt an especial dread of the
mountaineers; looking with awe and hatred on their tall, gaunt, rawboned
figures, their long, matted hair and wild faces. One wounded tory, as he
lay watching them, noticed their deadly accuracy of aim, and saw also
that the loyalists, firing from the summit, continually overshot their
foes.

The British regulars had lost half their number; the remainder had been
scattered and exhausted in their successive charges. The bayonet
companies of the loyalist militia were in the same plight; and the North
Carolina tories, the least disciplined, could no longer be held to their
work. Sevier's men gained the summit at the same time with Campbell's
and part of Shelby's. The three colonels were heading their troops; and
as Sevier saw Shelby, he swore, by God, the British had burned off part
of his hair; for it was singed on one side of his head.

When the Holston and Watauga men gained the crest the loyalists broke
and fled to the east end of the mountain, among the tents and baggage
wagons, where they again formed. But they were huddled together, while
their foes surrounded them on every hand. The fighting had lasted an
hour; all hope was gone; and De Peyster hoisted a white flag.

In the confusion the firing continued in parts of the lines on both
sides. Some of the backwoodsmen did not know what a white flag meant;
others disregarded it, savagely calling out, "Give them Buford's play,"
in allusion to Tarleton's having refused quarter to Buford's troops.
[Footnote: Deposition of John Long, in _Enquirer_, as quoted.] Others of
the men as they came up began shooting before they learned what had
happened; and some tories who had been out foraging returned at this
moment, and also opened fire. A number of the loyalists escaped in
turmoil, putting badges in their hats like those worn by certain of the
American militia, and thus passing in safety through the whig lines.
[Footnote: Chesney, p. 333.] It was at this time, after the white flag
had been displayed, that Col. Williams was shot, as he charged a few of
the tories who were still firing. The flag was hoisted again, and white
handkerchiefs were also waved, from guns and ramrods. Shelby, spurring
up to part of their line, ordered the tories to lay down their arms,
which they did. [Footnote: Shelby MS.] Campbell, at the same moment,
running among his men with his sword pointed to the ground, called on
them for God's sake to cease firing; and turning to the prisoners he
bade the officers rank by themselves, and the men to take off their hats
and sit down. He then ordered De Peyster to dismount; which the latter
did, and handed his sword to Campbell. [Footnote: Campbell MSS. Letter
of General George Rutledge (who was in the battle, an eye-witness of
what he describes), May 27, 1813. But there is an irreconcilable
conflict of testimony as to whether Campbell or Evan Shelby received De
Peyster's sword.] The various British officers likewise surrendered
their swords, to different Americans; many of the militia commanders who
had hitherto only possessed a tomahawk or scalping-knife thus for the
first time getting possession of one of the coveted weapons.

Almost the entire British and tory force was killed or captured; the
only men who escaped were the few who got through the American lines by
adopting the whig badges. About three hundred of the loyalists were
killed or disabled; the slightly wounded do not seem to have been
counted. [Footnote: For the loyalist losses, see _ante_, note discussing
their numbers. The "South Carolina Loyalist" says they lost about a
third of their number. It is worthy of note that the actual fighting at
King's Mountain bore much resemblance to that at Majuba Hill a century
later; a backwoods levy was much like a Boer commando.] The
colonel-commandant was among the slain; of the four militia colonels
present, two were killed, one wounded, [Footnote: In some accounts this
officer is represented as a major, in some as a colonel; at any rate he
was in command of a small regiment, or fragment of a regiment.] and the
other captured--a sufficient proof of the obstinacy of the resistance.
The American loss in killed and wounded amounted to less than half,
perhaps only a third, that of their foes. [Footnote: The official report
as published gave the American loss as twenty-eight killed and sixty
wounded. The original document (in the Gates MSS., N. Y. Hist. Soc.)
gives the loss in tabulated form in an appendix, which has not
heretofore been published. It is as follows:

RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED.

KILLED | WOUNDED |
Col. | Col. |
| Major. | | Major. |
| | Capt. | | | Capt. |
| | | Lieut. | | | | Lieut. |
| | | | Ensign. | | | | | Ensign. |
| | | | | Sergt. | | | | | | Sergt. |
| | | | | | Private. | | | | | | Private.
REGIMENTS. | | | | | | | Total.| | | | | | | Total.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Grand
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Total.
Campbell's.. 1 2 4 5 12 | 1 3 17 21 33
McDowell's.. 4 4 | 4 4 8
Thomas'..... | 8 8 8
Cleavland's. 8 8 | 1 2 10 13 21
Shelby's.... |
Sevier's.... 2 2 | 10 10 12
Hayes'...... 1 1 | 3 3 4
Brannon's... | 3 3 3
Col. Williams'1 1 | 1
-----------------------------------------------------
1 1 1 2 4 19 28 | 1 3 3 55 62 90

It will be seen that these returns are imperfect. They do not include
Shelby's loss; yet his regiment was alongside of Campbell's, did its
full share of the work, and probably suffered as much as Sevier's, for
instance. But it is certain that in the hurry not all the killed and
wounded were enumerated (compare Draper, pp. 302-304). Hayes', Thomas',
and "Brannon's" (Brandon's) commands were some of those joining at the
Cowpens. Winston's loss is doubtless included under Cleavland's. It will
be seen that Williams' troops could have taken very little part in the
action.] Campbell's command suffered more than any other, the loss among
the officers being especially great; for it bore the chief part in
withstanding the successive bayonet charges of the regulars, and the
officers had been forced to expose themselves with the utmost freedom,
in order to rally their men when beaten back. [Footnote: It would be
quite impossible to take notice of the countless wild absurdities of the
various writers who have given "histories" so-called, of the battle. One
of the most recent of them, Mr. Kirke, having accepted as the number of
the British dead two hundred and twenty-five, and the wounded one
hundred and eighty five, says that the disproportion shows "the
wonderful accuracy of the backwoods rifle"--the beauty of the argument
being that it necessarily implies that the backwoodsmen only fired some
four hundred and ten shots. Mr. Kirke's account of the battle having
been "won" owing to a remarkable ride taken by Sevier to rally the men
at the critical moment is, of course, without any historic basis
whatever.]

After the Victory.

The mountain-men had done a most notable deed. They had shown in
perfection the best qualities of horse-riflemen. Their hardihood and
perseverance had enabled them to bear up well under fatigue, exposure,
and scanty food. Their long, swift ride, and the suddenness of the
attack, took their foes completely by surprise. Then, leaving their
horses, they had shown in the actual battle such courage, marksmanship,
and skill in woodland fighting, that they had not only defeated but
captured an equal number of well-armed, well-led, resolute men, in a
strong position. The victory was of far-reaching importance, and ranks
among the decisive battles of the Revolution. It was the first great
success of the Americans in the south, the turning-point in the southern
campaign, and it brought cheer to the patriots throughout the Union. The
loyalists of the Carolinas were utterly cast down, and never recovered
from the blow; and its immediate effect was to cause Cornwallis to
retreat from North Carolina, abandoning his first invasion of that
State. [Footnote: "Tarleton's Campaigns," p. 166.]

The expedition offered a striking example of the individual initiative
so characteristic of the backwoodsmen. It was not ordered by any one
authority; it was not even sanctioned by the central or State
governments. Shelby and Sevier were the two prime movers in getting it
up; Campbell exercised the chief command; and the various other leaders,
with their men, simply joined the mountaineers, as they happened to hear
of them and come across their path. The ties of discipline were of the
slightest. The commanders elected their own chief without regard to rank
or seniority; in fact the officer [Footnote: Williams.] who was by rank
entitled to the place was hardly given any share in the conduct of the
campaign. The authority of the commandant over the other officers, and
of the various colonels over their troops, resembled rather the control
exercised by Indian chiefs over their warriors than the discipline
obtaining in a regular army. But the men were splendid individual
fighters, who liked and trusted their leaders; and the latter were bold,
resolute, energetic, and intelligent.

Cornwallis feared that the mountain men would push on and attack his
flank; but there was no such danger. By themselves they were as little
likely to assail him in force in the open as Andreas Hofer's
Tyrolese--with whom they had many points in common--were to threaten
Napoleon on the Danubian plains. Had they been Continental troops, the
British would have had to deal with a permanent army. But they were only
militia [Footnote: The striking nature of the victory and its important
consequences must not blind us to the manifold shortcomings of the
Revolutionary militia. The mountaineers did well in spite of being
militia; but they would have done far better under another system. The
numerous failures of the militia as a whole must be balanced against the
few successes of a portion of them. If the States had possessed wisdom
enough to back Washington with Continentals, or with volunteers such as
those who fought in the Civil War, the Revolutionary contest would have
been over in three years. The trust in militia was a perfect curse. Many
of the backwoods leaders knew this. The old Indian fighter, Andrew
Lewis, about this time wrote to Gates (see Gates MSS., Sept. 30, 1780),
speaking of "the dastardly conduct of the militia," calling them "a set
of poltroons," and longing for Continentals.]after all, however
formidable from their patriotic purpose and personal prowess. The
backwoods armies were not unlike the armies of the Scotch Highlanders;
tumultuous gatherings of hardy and warlike men, greatly to be dreaded
under certain circumstances, but incapable of a long campaign, and
almost as much demoralized by a victory as by a defeat. Individually or
in small groups they were perhaps even more formidable than the
Highlanders; but in one important respect they were inferior, for they
totally lacked the regimental organization which the clan system gave
the Scotch Celts.

The mountaineers had come out to do a certain thing--to kill Ferguson
and scatter his troops. They had done it, and now they wished to go
home. The little log-huts in which their families lived were in daily
danger of Indian attack; and it was absolutely necessary that they
should be on hand to protect them. They were, for the most part, very
poor men, whose sole sources of livelihood were the stock they kept
beyond the mountains. They loved their country greatly, and had shown
the sincerity of their patriotism by the spontaneous way in which they
risked their lives on this expedition. They had no hope of reward; for
they neither expected nor received any pay, except in liquidated
certificates, worth two cents on the dollar. Shelby's share of these,
for his services as colonel throughout '80 and '81, was sold by him for
"six yards of middling broadcloth" [Footnote: Shelby's MS.
autobiography.]; so it can be readily imagined how little each private
got for the King's Mountain expedition. [Footnote: Among these privates
was the father of Davy Crockett.]

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