The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808) by Thomas Clarkson

T >> Thomas Clarkson >> The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808)

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I had now to wait patiently till a new opportunity should occur. The Comte
de Mirabeau, before the departure of the King, had moved and carried the
resolution that "the Assembly was inseparable from his majesty's person."
It was expected, therefore, that the National Assembly would immediately
transfer its sittings to Paris. This took place on the nineteenth. It was
now more easy for me to bring persons together, than when I had to travel
backward and forward to Versailles. Accordingly, by watching my
opportunities, I obtained the promise of another meeting. This was held
afterward at the Duke de la Rochefoucauld's. The persons before mentioned
were present; except the Comte de Mirabeau, whose occupations at that
moment made it utterly impossible for him to attend.

The Duke opened the business in an appropriate manner; and concluded, by
desiring each person to give his opinion frankly and unequivocally as to
what might be expected of the National Assembly relative to the great
measure of the abolition of the Slave-trade.

The Abbe Syeyes rose up, and said, it would probably bring the business
within a shorter compass, if, instead of discussing this proposition at
large, I were to put to the meeting my own questions. I accordingly
accepted this offer; and began by asking those present, "how long it was
likely that the present National Assembly would sit." After some
conversation it was replied, that, "it would sit till it had completed the
constitution, and interwoven such fixed principles into it, that the
legislature, which should succeed it, might have nothing more to do, than
to proceed on the ordinary business of the state. Its dissolution would
probably not take place till the month of March."

I then asked them, "whether it was their opinion, that the National
Assembly would feel itself authorized to take up such a foreign question
(if I might be allowed the expression) as that of the abolition of the
Slave-trade." The answer to this was, "that the object of the National
Assembly was undoubtedly the formation of a constitution for the French
people. With respect to foreign possessions, it was very doubtful, whether
it were the real interest of France to have any colonies at all. But while
it kept such colonies under its dominion, the Assembly would feel, that it
had the right to take up this question; and that the question itself would
naturally spring out of the bill of rights, which had already been adopted
as the basis of the constitution."

The next question I proposed was, "whether they were of opinion, that the
National Assembly would do more wisely, in the present situation of things,
to determine upon the abolition of the Slave-trade now, or to transfer it
to the legislature, which was to succeed it in the month of March."

This question gave birth to a long discussion; during which much eloquence
was displayed. But the unanimous answer, with the reasons for it, may be
conveyed in substance as follows. "It would be most wise, it was said, in
the present Assembly to introduce the question to the notice of the nation,
and this as essentially connected with the bill of rights, but to transfer
the determination of it, in a way the best calculated to ensure success, to
the succeeding legislature. The revolution was of more importance to
Frenchmen, than the abolition of the Slave-trade. To secure this was their
first object, and more particularly, because the other would naturally flow
from it. But the revolution might be injured by the immediate determination
of the question. Many persons in the large towns of Bourdeaux, Marseilles,
Rouen, Nantes, and Havre, who were now friends to it, might be converted
into enemies. It would also be held up by those, who wished to produce a
counter-revolution, (and the ignorant and prejudiced might believe it,)
that the Assembly had made a great sacrifice to England, by thus giving her
an opportunity of enlarging her trade. The English House of Commons had
taken up the subject, but had done nothing. And though they, who were then
present, were convinced of the sincerity of the English minister, who had
introduced it; and that the trade must ultimately fall in England, yet it
would not be easy to persuade many bigoted persons in France of these
truths. It would therefore be most wise in the Assembly only to introduce
the subject as mentioned; but if extraordinary circumstances should arise,
such as a decree, that the deputies of Colour should take their seats in
the Assembly, or that England should have begun this great work, advantage
might be taken of them, and the abolition of the Slave-trade might be
resolved upon in the present session."

The last question I proposed was this. "If the determination of this great
question should be proposed to the next legislature, would it be more
difficult to carry it then than now."

This question also produced much conversation. But the answer was
unanimous, "that there would be no greater difficulty in the one than in
the other case; for that the people would daily, more and more admire their
constitution; that this constitution would go down to the next legislature,
from whence would issue solid and fixed principles, which would be resorted
to as a standard for decision on all occasions. Hence the Slave-trade,
which would be adjudged by it also, could not possibly stand. Add to which,
that the most virtuous members in the present would be chosen into the new
legislature, which, if the constitution were but once fairly established,
would not regard the murmurs of any town or province." After this, a
desultory conversation took place, in which some were of opinion that it
would be proper, on the introduction of the subject into the Assembly, to
move for a committee of inquiry, which should collect facts and documents
against the time, when it should be taken up with a view to its final
discussion.

As it now appeared to me, that nothing material would be done with respect
to our cause till after the election of the new legislature, I had thoughts
of returning to England to resume my journey in quest of evidence; but I
judged it right to communicate first with the Comte de Mirabeau and the
Marquis de la Fayette, both of whom would have attended the meeting just
mentioned, if unforeseen circumstances had not prevented them.

On conversing with the first, I found that he differed from those, whom I
had consulted. He thought that the question, on account of the nature and
urgency of it, ought to be decided in the present legislature. This was so
much his opinion, that he had made a determination to introduce it there
himself; and had been preparing for his motion. He had already drawn up the
outlines of a speech for the purpose; but was in want of circumstantial
knowledge to complete it. With this knowledge he desired me to furnish him.
He then put his speech into my hand; and wished me to take it home and
peruse it. He wrote down also some questions, and he gave them to me
directly afterwards, and begged I would answer them at my leisure.

On conversing with the latter, he said, that he believed with those at the
meeting, that there would be no greater difficulty in carrying the question
in the succeeding than in the present legislature. But this consideration
afforded an argument for the immediate discussion of it: for it would make
a considerable difference to suffering humanity, whether it were to be
decided now or then. This was the moment to be taken to introduce it; nor
did he think that they ought to be deterred from doing it, by any supposed
clamours from some of the towns in France. The great body of the people
admired the constitution; and would support any decisions, which were made
in strict conformity to its principles. With respect to any committee of
inquiry, he deprecated it. The Slave-trade, he said, was not a trade. It
dishonoured the name of commerce. It was piracy. But if so, the question,
which it involved, was a question of justice only; and it could not be
decided with propriety by any other standard. I then informed him, that the
Comte de Mirabeau had undertaken to introduce it into the Assembly. At this
he expressed his uneasiness. "Mirabeau," says he, "is a host in himself;
and I should not be surprised if by his own eloquence and popularity only
he were to carry it; and yet I regret that he has taken the lead in it. The
cause is so lovely, that even ambition, abstractedly considered, is too
impure to take it under its protection, and not to sully it. It should have
been placed in the hands of the most virtuous man in France. This man is
the Duc de la Rochefoucauld. But you cannot alter things now. You cannot
take it out of his hands. I am sure he will be second to no one on this
occasion."

On my return to my hotel, I perused the outlines of the speech, which the
Comte de Mirabeau had lent me. It afforded a masterly knowledge of the
evils of the trade, as drawn from reason only. It was put together in the
most striking and affecting manner. It contained an almost irresistible
appeal to his auditors by frequent references to the ancient system of
things in France, and to their situation and prospects under the new. It
flowed at first gently like a river in a level country; but it grew
afterwards into a mountain torrent, and carried every thing before it. On
looking at the questions, which he had written down for me, I found them
consist of three. 1. What are the different ways of reducing to slavery the
inhabitants of that part of Africa, which is under the dominion of France?
2. What is the state of society there with respect to government, industry,
and the arts? 3. What are the various evils belonging to the transportation
of the Africans from their own country?

It was peculiarly agreeable to me to find, on reading the first two
questions, that I had formed an acquaintance with Monsieur Geoffroy de
Villeneuve, who had been aide du camp to the Chevalier de Boufflers at
Goree; but who was then at his father's house in Paris. This gentleman had
entertained Dr. Spaarman and Mr. Wadstrom; and had accompanied them up the
Senegal, when under the protection of the French government in Africa. He
had confirmed to me the testimony, which they had given before the privy
council. But he had a fund of information on this subject, which went far
beyond what these possessed, or I had ever yet collected from books or men.
He had travelled all over the kingdom of Cayor on foot; and had made a map
of it. His information was so important, that I had been with him for
almost days together to take it down. I determined therefore to arrange the
facts, which I had obtained from him, of which I had now a volume, that I
might answer the two first questions, which had been proposed to me; for it
was of great importance to the Comte de Mirabeau, that he should be able to
appeal, in behalf of the statements in his speech to the Assembly, to an
evidence on the spot.

In the course of my correspondence with the Comte, which continued with but
little intermission for six weeks, many circumstances took place, which
were connected with the cause, and which I shall now detail in their order.

On waiting upon Mr. Necker, at his own request, he gave me the pleasing
intelligence, that the committee of finances, which was then composed of
members of the National Assembly, had resolved, though they had not yet
promulgated their resolution, upon a total abolition of all the bounties
then in existence in favour of the Slave-trade.

The Deputies of Colour now began to visit me at my own hotel. They informed
me, that they had been admitted, since they had seen me, into the National
Assembly. On stating their claims, the president assured them, that they
might take courage; for that the Assembly knew no distinction between
Blacks and Whites, but considered all men as having equal rights. This
speech of the president, they said, had roused all the White Colonists in
Paris. Some of these had openly insulted them. They had held also a meeting
on the subject of this speech; at which they had worked themselves up so as
to become quite furious. Nothing but intrigue was now going forward among
them to put off the consideration of the claims of the free People of
Colour. They, the deputies, had been flattered by the prospect of a hearing
no less than six times; and, when the day arrived, something had constantly
occurred to prevent it.

At a subsequent interview, they appeared to be quite disheartened; and to
be grievously disappointed as to the object of their mission. They were now
sure, that they should never be able to make head against the intrigues and
plots of the White Colonists. Day after day had been fixed as before for
the hearing of their cause. Day after day it had been deferred in like
manner. They were now weary with waiting. One of them, Oge, could not
contain himself, but broke out with great warmth--"I begin," says he, "not
to care, whether the National Assembly will admit us or not. But let it
beware of the consequences. We will no longer continue to be beheld in a
degraded light. Dispatches shall go directly to St. Domingo; and we will
soon follow them. We can produce as good soldiers on our estates, as those
in France. Our own arms shall make us independent and respectable. If we
are once forced to desperate measures, it will be in vain that thousands
will be sent across the Atlantic to bring us back to our former state." On
hearing this, I entreated the deputies to wait with patience. I observed to
them, that in a great revolution, like that of France, things, but more
particularly such as might be thought external, could not be discussed
either so soon or so rapidly as men full of enthusiasm would wish. France
would first take care of herself. She would then, I had no doubt, extend
her care to her Colonies. Was not this a reasonable conclusion, when they,
the deputies, had almost all the first men in the Assembly in their favour?
I entreated them therefore to wait patiently; as well as upon another
consideration, which was, that by an imprudent conduct they might not only
ruin their own cause in France, but bring indescribable misery upon their
native land.

By this time a large packet, for which I had sent from England, arrived. It
consisted of above a thousand of the plan and section of a slave-ship, with
an explanation in French. It contained also about five hundred coloured
engravings, made from two views, which Mr. Wadstrom had taken in Africa.
The first of these represented the town of Joal, and the King's military on
horseback returning to it, after having executed the great pillage, with
their slaves. The other represented the village of Bain; from whence
ruffians were forcing a poor woman and her children to sell them to a ship,
which was then lying in the Roads. Both these scenes Mr. Wadstrom had
witnessed. I had collected also by this time, one thousand of my Essays on
the Impolicy of the Slave-trade, which had been translated into the French
language. These I now wished to distribute, as preparatory to the motion of
Mirabeau, among the National Assembly. This distribution was afterwards
undertaken and effected by the Archbishop of Aix, the Bishop of Chartres,
the Marquis de la Fayette, the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, the Comte de
Mirabeau, Monsieur Necker, the Marquis de Condorcet, Messieurs Petion de
Villeneuve, Bergasse, Claviere and Brissot, and by the Marchioness de la
Fayette, Madame Necker, and Madame de Poivre, the latter of whom was the
widow of the late Intendant of the Isle of France.

This distribution had not been long begun, before I witnessed its effects.
The virtuous Abbe Gregoire, and several members of the National Assembly,
called upon me. The section of the slave-ship, it appeared, had been the
means of drawing them towards me. They wished for more accurate information
concerning it. Indeed it made its impression upon all who saw it. The
Bishop of Chartres once told me, that, when he first espoused our cause, he
did it at once; for it seemed obvious to him that no one could, under the
Christian dispensation, hold another as his slave; and it was no less
obvious where such an unnatural state existed, that there would be great
abuses; but that, nevertheless, he had not given credit to all the tales
which had been related of the Slave-trade, till he had seen this plate;
after which there was nothing so barbarous which might not readily be
believed. The Archbishop of Aix, when I first showed him the same plate,
was so struck with horror, that he could scarcely speak: and when Mirabeau
first saw it, he was so impressed by it, that he ordered a mechanic to make
a model of it in wood, at a considerable expense. This model he kept
afterwards in his dining-room. It was a ship in miniature, about a yard
long, and little wooden men and women, which were painted black to
represent the slaves, were seen stowed in their proper places.

But while the distribution of these different articles thus contributed to
make us many friends, it called forth the extraordinary exertions of our
enemies. The merchants and others interested in the continuance of the
Slave-trade wrote letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to
ruin France; which he would inevitably do, if, as then president, he were
to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of money
were made to Mirabeau from the same quarter, if he would totally abandon
his motion. An attempt was made to establish a colonial committee,
consisting of such planters as were members of the National Assembly; upon
whom it should devolve to consider and report upon all matters relating to
the Colonies, before they could be determined there. Books were circulated
in abundance in opposition to mine. Resort was again had to the public
papers, as the means of raising a hue and cry against the principles of the
Friends of the Negros. I was again denounced as a spy; and as one sent by
the English minister to bribe members in the Assembly to do that in a time
of public agitation, which in the settled state of France they could never
have been prevailed upon to accomplish. And as a proof that this was my
errand, it was requested of every Frenchman to put to himself the following
question, "How it happened that England, which had considered the subject
coolly and deliberately for eighteen months, and this in a state of
internal peace and quietness, had not abolished the Slave-trade?"

The clamour which was now made against the abolition, pervaded all Paris,
and reached the ears of the King. Mr. Necker had a long conversation with
him upon it. The latter sent for me immediately. He informed me, that His
Majesty was desirous of making himself master of the question, and had
expressed a wish to see my Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade. He
desired to have two copies of it; one in French, and the other in English;
and he would then take his choice as to which of them he would read. He
(Mr. Necker) was to present them. He would take with him also at the same
time the beautiful specimens of the manufactures of the Africans, which I
had lent to Madame Necker out of the cabinet of Monsieur Geoffrey de
Villeneuve and others. As to the section of the slave-ship, he thought it
would affect His Majesty too much, as he was then indisposed. All these
articles, except the latter, were at length presented. The King bestowed a
good deal of time upon the specimens. He admired them; but particularly
those in gold. He expressed his surprise at the state of some of the arts
in Africa. He sent them back on the same day on which he had examined them,
and commissioned Mr. Necker to return me his thanks; and to say that he had
been highly gratified with what he had seen; and, with respect to the Essay
on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade, that he would read it with all the
seriousness, which such a subject deserved.

My correspondence with the Comte de Mirabeau was now drawing near to its
close. I had sent him a letter every other day for a whole month, which
contained from sixteen to twenty pages. He usually acknowledged the receipt
of each. Hence many of his letters came into my possession. These were
always interesting, on account of the richness of the expressions they
contained. Mirabeau even in his ordinary discourse was eloquent. It was his
peculiar talent to use such words, that they who heard them, were almost
led to believe, that he had taken great pains to cull them for the
occasion. But this his ordinary language was the language also of his
letters; and as they show a power of expression, by which the reader may
judge of the character of the eloquence of one, who was then undoubtedly
the greatest orator in France, I have thought it not improper to submit one
of them to his perusal in the annexed note[A]. I could have wished, as far
as it relates to myself, that it had been less complimentary. It must be
observed, however, that I had already written to him more than two hundred
pages with my own hand; and as this was done at no small expense, time and
trouble, and solely to qualify him for the office of doing good, he could
not but set some value upon my labours.

[Footnote A: "Je fais toujours mille remercimens plus empresses et plus
affectueux a Monsieur Clarkson pour la vertueuse profusion de ses lumieres,
de ses reserches, et de ses travaux. Comme ma motion et tous ses
developpemens sont entierement prets, j'attends avec une vive impatience
ses nouvelles lettres, afin d'achever de classer les faits et les
raisonnemens de Monsieur Clarkson, et, cette deduction entierement finie,
de commencer a manoeuvrer en tactique le succes douteux de cette perilleuse
proposition. J'aurai l'honneur de le recevoir Dimanche depuis onze heures,
et meme dix du matin jusqu'a midi, non seulement avec un vif plaisir, mais
avec une sensible reconnoissance.

_25 Decembre, 1789_.

LE COMTE DE MIRABEAU."]

When our correspondence was over, I had some conversation with him relative
to fixing a day for the motion. But he judged it prudent, previously to
this, to sound some of the members of the Assembly on the subject of it.
This he did; but he was greatly disappointed at the result. There was not
one member, out of all those, with whom he conversed, who had not been
canvassed by the planters' committee. And though most of them had been
proof against all its intrigues and artifices, yet many of them hesitated
respecting the abolition at that moment. There was a fear in some that they
should injure the revolution by adopting it; others, who had no such fears,
wished for the concurrence of England in the measure, and suggested the
propriety of a deputation there for that purpose previously to the
discussion of the question in France. While others maintained, that as
England had done nothing, after having had it so long under consideration,
it was fair to presume, that she judged it impolitic to abandon the
Slave-trade; but if France were to give it up, and England to continue it,
how would humanity be the gainer?

While the Comte de Mirabeau was continuing his canvass among the members of
the National Assembly, relative to his motion, attempts were again made in
the public papers to mislead them. Emancipation was now stated to be the
object of the Friends of the Negros. This charge I repelled, by addressing
myself to Monsieur Beauvet. I explained to him the views of the different
societies, which had taken up the cause of the Africans; and I desired him
to show my letter to the planters. I was obliged also to answer publicly a
letter by Monsieur Mosneron de Laung. This writer professed to detail the
substance of the privy council report. He had the injustice to assert, that
three things had been distinctly proved there: First, that slavery had
always existed in Africa; Secondly, that the natives were a bloody people,
addicted to human sacrifice, and other barbarous customs; and, Thirdly,
that their soil was incapable of producing any proper articles for
commerce. From these premises he argued, as if they had been established by
the unanimous and uncontradicted testimony of the witnesses; and he drew
the conclusion, that not only had England done nothing in consequence, but
that she never would do anything, which should affect the existence of this
trade.

But these letters had only just made their appearance in the public papers,
when I was summoned to England. Parliament, it appeared, had met; and I was
immediately to leave Paris. Among those, of whom I had but just time to
take leave, were the Deputies of Colour. At this, my last conference with
them, I recommended moderation and forbearance, as the best gifts I could
leave them; and I entreated them rather to give up their seats in the
Assembly, than on that account to bring misery on their country; for that
with patience their cause would ultimately triumph. They replied, that I
had prescribed to them a most difficult task. They were afraid that neither
the conduct of the White Colonists nor of the National Assembly could be
much longer borne. They thanked me, however, for my advice. One of them
gave me a trinket, by which I might remember him; and as for himself, he
said, he should never forget one, who had taken such a deep interest in
the welfare of his mother[A]. I found, however, notwithstanding all I
said, that there was a spirit of dissatisfaction in them, which nothing
but a redress of their grievances could subdue; and that, if the planters
should persevere in their intrigues, and the National Assembly in delay,
a fire would be lighted up in St. Domingo, which could not easily be
extinguished. This was afterward realized: for Oge, in about three months
from this time, left his companions to report to his constituents in St.
Domingo the state of their mission; when hearing, on his arrival in that
island, of the outrageous conduct of the Whites of the committee of Aquin,
who had begun a persecution of the People of Colour for no other reason
than that they had dared to seek the common privileges of citizens; and
of the murder of Ferrand and Labadie, he imprudently armed his slaves.
With a small but faithful band he rushed upon superior numbers; and was
defeated. Taking refuge at length in the Spanish part of St. Domingo,
he was given up; and his enemies, to strike terror into the People of
Colour, broke him upon the wheel. From this time reconciliation between
the parties became impossible. A bloody war commenced, and with it all
those horrors which it has been our lot so frequently to deplore. It must
be remembered, however, that the Slave-trade, by means of the cruel
distinctions it occasioned, was the original cause; and though the
revolution of France afforded the occasion; it was an occasion which
would have been prevented, if it had not been for the intrigues and
injustice of the Whites.

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