The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I by Thomas Clarkson

T >> Thomas Clarkson >> The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I

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This account of the destination of these little vessels, though it was
distressing at first, appeared to me afterwards, on cool reasoning, to be
incredible. I thought that my informants wished to impose upon me, in order
that I might make statements which would carry their own refutation with
them, and that thus I might injure the great cause which I had undertaken.
And I was much inclined to be of this opinion, when I looked again at the
least of the two; for any person, who was tall, standing upon dry ground by
the side of her, might have overlooked every thing upon her deck. I knew
also that she had been built as a pleasure-boat for the accommodation of
only six persons upon the Severn. I determined, therefore, to suspend my
belief till I could take the admeasurement of each vessel. This I did; but
lest, in the agitation of my mind on this occasion, I should have made any
mistake, I desired my friend George Fisher to apply to the builder for his
admeasurement also. With this he kindly complied. When he obtained it he
brought it to me. This account, which nearly corresponded with my own, was
as follows:--In the vessel of twenty-five tons, the length of the upper
part of the hold, or roof, of the room, where the seventy slaves were to be
stowed, was but little better than ten yards, or thirty-one feet. The
greatest breadth of the bottom, or floor, was ten feet four inches, and the
least five. Hence, a grown person must sit down all the voyage, and
contract his limbs within the narrow limits of three square feet. In the
vessel of eleven tons, the length of the room for the thirty slaves was
twenty-two feet. The greatest breadth of the floor was eight, and the least
four. The whole height from the keel to the beam was but five feet eight
inches, three feet of which were occupied by ballast, cargo, and
provisions, so that two feet eight inches remained only as the height
between the decks. Hence, each slave would have only four square feet to
sit in, and, when in this posture, his head, if he were a full-grown
person, would touch the ceiling, or upper deck.

Having now received this admeasurement from the builder, which was rather
more favourable than my own, I looked upon the destination of these little
vessels as yet more incredible than before. Still the different persons,
whom I occasionally saw on board them, persisted in it that they were going
to Africa for slaves, and also for the numbers mentioned, which they were
afterwards to carry to the West Indies themselves. I desired, however, my
friends, George Fisher, Truman Harford, Harry Gandy, Walter Chandler, and
others, each to make a separate inquiry for me on this subject; and they
all agreed that, improbable as the account both of their destination, and
of the number they were to take, might appear, they had found it to be too
true. I had soon afterwards the sorrow to learn from official documents
from the Custom-house, that these little vessels actually cleared out for
Africa, and that now nothing could be related so barbarous of this traffic,
which might not instantly be believed.

In pursuing my different objects there was one, which, to my great
vexation, I found it extremely difficult to attain. This was the procuring
of any assurance from those, who had been personally acquainted with the
horrors of this trade, that they would appear, if called upon, as evidence
against it. My friend Harry Gandy, to whom I had been first introduced, had
been two voyages, as I before mentioned; and he was willing, though at an
advanced age, to go to London, to state publicly all he knew concerning
them. But with respect to the many others in Bristol, who had been to the
coast of Africa, I had not yet found one, who would come forward for this
purpose. There were several old Slave-Captains living there, who had a
great knowledge of the subject. I thought it not unreasonable, that I might
gain one or two good evidences out of these, as they had probably long ago
left the concern, and were not now interested in the continuance of it. But
all my endeavours were fruitless. I sent messages to them by different
persons. I met them in all ways. I stated to them, that if there was
nothing objectionable in the trade, seeing it laboured under such a stigma,
they had an opportunity of coming forward and of wiping away the stain. If,
on the other hand, it was as bad as represented, then they had it in their
power, by detailing the crimes which attached to it, of making some
reparation, or atonement, for the part they had taken in it. But no
representations would do. All intercourse was positively forbidden between
us; and whenever they met me in the street, they shunned me as if I had
been a mad dog. I could not for some time account for the strange
disposition which they thus manifested towards me; but my friends helped me
to unravel it, for I was assured that one or two of them, though they went
no longer to Africa as captains, were in part owners of vessels trading
there; and, with respect to all of them, it might be generally said, that
they had been guilty of such enormities, that they would be afraid of
coming forward in the way I proposed, lest any thing should come out by
which they might criminate themselves. I was obliged then to give up all
hope of getting any evidence from this quarter, and I saw but little
prospect of getting it from those, who were then actually deriving their
livelihood from the trade. And yet I was determined to persevere. For I
thought that some might be found in it, who were not yet so hardened as to
be incapable of being awakened on this subject. I thought that others might
be found in it, who wished to leave it upon principle, and that these would
unbosom themselves to me. And I thought it not improbable that I might fall
in with others, who had come unexpectedly into a state of independence, and
that these might be induced, as their livelihood would be no longer
affected by giving me information, to speak the truth.

I persevered for weeks together under this hope, but could find no one of
all those, who had been applied to, who would have any thing to say to me.
At length Walter Chandler had prevailed upon a young gentleman, of the name
of Gardiner, who was going out as surgeon of the Pilgrim, to meet me. The
condition was, that we were to meet at the house of the former, but that we
were to enter in and go out at different times, that is, we were not to be
seen together.

Gardiner, on being introduced to me, said at once, that he had often wished
to see me on the subject of my errand, but that the owner of the Pilgrim
had pointed me out to him as a person, whom he would wish him to avoid. He
then laid open to me the different methods of obtaining slaves in Africa,
as he had learned from those on board his own vessel in his first, or
former, voyage. He unfolded also the manner of their treatment in the
Middle Passage, with the various distressing scenes which had occurred in
it. He stated the barbarous usage of the seamen as he had witnessed it, and
concluded by saying, that there never was a subject, which demanded so
loudly the interference of the legislature as that of the Slave-trade.

When he had finished his narrative, and answered the different questions
which I had proposed to him concerning it, I asked him in as delicate a
manner as I could, How it happened, that, seeing the trade in this horrible
light, he had consented to follow it again? He told me frankly, that he had
received a regular medical education, but that his relations, being poor,
had not been able to set him up in his profession. He had saved a little
money in his last voyage. In that, which he was now to perform, he hoped to
save a little more. With the profits of both voyages together, he expected
he should be able to furnish a shop in the line of his profession, when he
would wipe his hands of this detestable trade.

I then asked him, Whether upon the whole he thought he had judged
prudently, or whether the prospect of thus enabling himself to become
independent, would counterbalance the uneasiness which might arise in
future? He replied, that he had not so much to fear upon this account. The
trade, while it continued, must have surgeons. But it made a great
difference both to the crew and to the slaves, whether these discharged
their duty towards them in a feeling manner, or not. With respect to
himself, he was sure that he should pay every attention to the wants of
each. This thought made his continuance in the trade for one voyage longer
more reconcileable. But he added, as if not quite satisfied, "Cruel
necessity!" and he fetched a deep sigh.

We took our leave, and departed, the one a few minutes after the other. The
conversation of this young man was very interesting. I was much impressed
both by the nature and the manner of it. I wished to secure him, if
possible, as an evidence for Parliament, and thus save him from his
approaching voyage: but I knew not what to do. At first, I thought it would
be easy to raise a subscription to set him up. But then, I was aware that
this might be considered as bribery, and make his testimony worth nothing.
I then thought that the commitee might detain him as an evidence, and pay
him, in a reasonable manner, for his sustenance, till his testimony should
be called for. But I did not know how long it would be before his
examination might take place. It might be a year or two. I foresaw other
difficulties also; and I was obliged to relinquish what otherwise I should
have deemed a prize.

On reviewing the conversation which had passed between us after my return
home, I thought, considering the friendly disposition of Gardiner towards
us, I had not done all I could for the cause; and, communicating my
feelings to Walter Chandler, he procured me another interview. At this, I
asked him, if he would become an evidence, if he lived to return. He
replied, very heartily, that he would. I then asked him, if he would keep a
journal of facts during his voyage, as it would enable him to speak more
correctly, in case he should be called upon for his testimony. He assured
me, he would, and that he would make up a little book for that purpose. I
asked him, lastly, When he meant to sail. He said, As soon as the ship
could get all her hands. It was their intention to sail to-morrow, but that
seven men, whom the mates had brought drunk out of Marsh-street the evening
before, were so terrified when they found they were going to Africa, that
they had seized the boat that morning, and had put themselves on shore. I
took my leave of him, entreating him to follow his resolutions of kindness
both to the sailors and the slaves, and wished him a speedy and a safe
return.

On going one day by the Exchange after this interview with Gardiner, I
overheard a young gentleman say to another, "that it happened on the Coast
last year, and that he saw it." I wished to know who he was, and to get at
him if I could. I watched him at a distance for more than half an hour,
when I saw him leave his companion. I followed him till he entered a house.
I then considered whether it would be proper, and in what manner, to
address him when he should come out of it. But I waited three hours, and I
never saw him. I then concluded that he either lodged where I saw him
enter, or that he had gone to dine with some friend. I therefore took
notice of the house, and, showing it afterwards to several of my friends,
desired them to make him out for me. In a day or two I had an interview
with him. His name was James Arnold. He had been two voyages to the coast
of Africa for slaves; one as surgeon's mate in the Alexander, in the year
1785, and the other as surgeon in the Little Pearl, in the year 1786, from
which he had not then very long returned.

I asked him if he was willing to give me any account of these voyages, for
that I was making an inquiry into the nature of the Slave-trade. He
replied, he knew that I was. He had been cautioned about falling-in with
me. He had, however, taken no pains to avoid me. It was a bad trade, and
ought to be exposed.

I went over the same ground as I had gone with Gardiner relative to the
first of these voyages, or that in the Alexander. It is not necessary to
detail the particulars. It is impossible, however, not to mention, that the
treatment of the seamen on board this vessel was worse than I had ever
before heard of. No less than eleven of them, unable to bear their lives,
had deserted at Bonny on the coast of Africa,--which is a most unusual
thing,--choosing all that could be endured, though in a most inhospitable
climate, and in the power of the natives, rather than to continue in their
own ship. Nine others also, in addition to the loss of these, had died in
the same voyage. As to the rest, he believed, without any exception, that
they had been badly used.

In examining him with respect to his second voyage, or that in the Little
Pearl, two circumstances came out with respect to the slaves, which I shall
relate in few words.

The chief mate used to beat the men-slaves on very trifling occasions.
About eleven one evening, the ship then lying off the coast, he heard a
noise in their room. He jumped down among them with a lanthorn in his hand.
Two of those, who had been ill-used by him, forced themselves out of their
irons and, seizing him, struck him with the bolt of them, and it was with
some difficulty that he was extricated from them by the crew.

The men-slaves, unable now to punish him, and finding they had created an
alarm, began to proceed to extremities. They endeavoured to force
themselves up the gratings, and to pull down a partition which had been
made for a sick-birth; when they were fired upon and repressed. The next
morning they were brought up one by one; when it appeared that a boy had
been killed, who was afterwards thrown into the sea.

The two men, however, who had forced themselves out of irons, did not come
up with the rest, but found their way into the hold, and armed themselves
with knives from a cask, which had been opened for trade. One of them being
called to in the African tongue by a Black trader, who was then on board,
came up, but with a knife in each hand; when one of the crew, supposing him
yet hostile, shot him in the right side and killed him on the spot.

The other remained in the hold for twelve hours. Scalding water mixed with
fat was poured down upon him, to make him come up. Though his flesh was
painfully blistered by these means, he kept below. A promise was then made
to him in the African tongue by the same trader, that no injury should be
done him, if he would come among them. To this at length he consented. But
on observing, when he was about half way up, that a sailor was armed
between decks, he flew to him, and clasped him, and threw him down. The
sailor fired his pistol in the scuffle, but without effect. He contrived
however to fracture his skull with the butt end of it, so that the slave
died on the third day.

The second circumstance took place after the arrival of the same vessel at
St. Vincent's. There was a boy-slave on board, who was very ill and
emaciated. The mate, who, by his cruelty, had been the author of the former
mischief, did not choose to expose him to sale with the rest, lest the
small sum he would fetch in that situation should lower the average price,
and thus bring down[A] the value of the privileges of the officers of the
ship. This boy was kept on board, and no provisions allowed him. The mate
had suggested the propriety of throwing him overboard, but no one would do
it. On the ninth day he expired, having never been allowed any sustenance
during that time.

[Footnote A: Officers are said to be allowed the privilege of one or more
slaves, according to their rank. When the cargo is sold, the sum total
fetched is put down, and this being divided by the number of slaves sold,
gives the average price of each. Such officers, then, receive this average
price for one or more slaves, according to their privileges, but never the
slaves themselves.]

I asked Mr. Arnold if he was willing to give evidence of these facts in
both cases. He said he had only one objection, which was, that in two or
three days he was to go in the Ruby, on his third voyage: but on leaving
me, he said, that he would take an affidavit before the mayor of the truth
of any of those things which he had related to me, if that would do; but,
from motives of safety, he should not choose to do this till within a few
hours before he sailed.

In two or three days after this, he sent for me. He said the Ruby would
leave King-road the next day, and that he was ready to do as he had
promised. Depositions were accordingly made out from his own words. I went
with him to the residence of George Daubeny, esquire, who was then chief
magistrate of the city, and they were sworn to in his presence, and
witnessed as the law requires.

On taking my leave of him, I asked him how he could go a third time in such
a barbarous employ. He said he had been distressed. In his voyage in the
Alexander he had made nothing; for he had been so ill-used, that he had
solicited his discharge in Grenada, where, being paid in currency, he had
but little to receive. When he arrived in Bristol from that island, he was
quite pennyless; and finding the Little Pearl going out, he was glad to get
on board her as her surgeon, which he then did entirely for the sake of
bread. He said, moreover, that she was but a small vessel, and that his
savings had been but small in her. This occasioned him to apply for the
Ruby, his present ship; but if he survived this voyage he would never go
another. I then put the same question to him as to Gardiner, and he
promised to keep a journal of facts, and to give his evidence, if called
upon, on his return.

The reader will see, from this account, the difficulty I had in procuring
evidence from this port. The owners of vessels employed in the trade there,
forbade all intercourse with me. The old captains, who had made their
fortunes in it, would not see me. The young, who were making them, could
not be supposed to espouse my cause, to the detriment of their own
interest. Of those whose necessities made them go into it for a livelihood,
I could not get one to come forward, without doing so much for him as would
have amounted to bribery. Thus, when I got one of these into my possession,
I was obliged to let him go again. I was, however, greatly consoled by the
consideration, that I had procured two sentinels to be stationed in the
enemy's camp, who keeping a journal of different facts, would bring me some
important intelligence at a future period.

CHAPTER XVI.

_Author goes to Monmouth--confers relative to a petition from that
place--returns to Bristol--is introduced to Alexander Falconbridge--takes
one of the mates of the Africa out of that ship--visits disabled seamen
from the ship Thomas--puts a chief mate into prison for the murder of
William Lines--Ill-usage of seamen in various other slave-vessels--secures
Crutwell's Bath paper in favour of the abolition--lays the foundation of a
commitee at Bristol--and of a petition from thence also--takes his leave of
that city._

By this time I began to feel the effect of my labours upon my constitution.
It had been my practice to go home in the evening to my lodgings, about
twelve o'clock, and then to put down the occurrences of the day. This
usually kept me up till one, and sometimes till nearly two in the morning.
When I went my rounds in Marsh-street, I seldom got home till two, and into
bed till three. My clothes, also, were frequently wet through with the
rains. The cruel accounts I was daily in the habit of hearing, both with
respect to the slaves, and to the seamen employed in this wicked trade,
from which, indeed, my mind had no respite, often broke my sleep in the
night, and occasioned me to awake in an agitated state. All these
circumstances concurred in affecting my health. I looked thin; my
countenance became yellow. I had also rheumatic feelings. My friends,
seeing this, prevailed upon me to give myself two or three days'
relaxation. And as a gentleman, of whom I had some knowledge, was going
into Carmarthenshire, I accompanied him as far as Monmouth.

After our parting at this place, I became restless and uneasy, and longed
to get back to my work. I thought, however, that my journey ought not to be
wholly useless to the cause; and hearing that Dr. Davis, a clergyman at
Monmouth, was a man of considerable weight among the inhabitants, I took
the liberty of writing him a letter, in which I stated who I was, and the
way in which I had lately employed myself, and the great wish I had to be
favoured with an interview with him; and I did not conceal that it would be
very desirable, if the inhabitants of the place could have that information
on the subject which would warrant them in so doing, that they should
petition the legislature for the abolition of the Slave-trade. Dr. Davis
returned me an answer, and received me. The questions which he put to me
were judicious. He asked me, first, whether, if the slaves were
emancipated, there would not be much confusion in the islands? I told him
that the emancipation of them was no part of our plan. We solicited nothing
but the stopping of all future importations of them into the islands. He
then asked what the planters would do for labourers. I replied, they would
find sufficient from an increase of the native population, if they were
obliged to pay attention to the latter means. We discoursed a long time
upon this last topic. I have not room to give the many other questions he
proposed to me. No one was ever more judiciously questioned. In my turn, I
put him into possession of all the discoveries I had made. He acknowledged
the injustice of the trade. He confessed, also, that my conversation had
enlightened him as to the impolicy of it; and, taking some of my Summary
Views to distribute, he said, he hoped that the inhabitants would, after
the perusal of them, accede to my request.

On my return to Bristol, my friends had procured for me an interview with
Mr. Alexander Falconbridge, who had been to the coast of Africa, as a
surgeon, for four voyages; one in the Tartar, another in the Alexander, and
two in the Emilia slave-vessels.

On my introduction to him, I asked him if he had any objection to give me
an account of the cruelties, which were said to be connected with the
Slave-trade. He answered, without any reserve, that he had not; for that he
had now done with it. Never were any words more welcome to my ears than
these--"Yes--I have done with the trade"--and he said also, that he was
free to give me information concerning it. Was he not then one of the very
persons, whom I had so long been seeking, but in vain?

To detail the accounts which he gave me at this and at subsequent
interviews, relative to the different branches of this trade, would fill no
ordinary volume. Suffice it to say in general terms, as far as relates to
the slaves, that he confirmed the various violent and treacherous methods
of procuring them in their own country; their wretched condition, in
consequence of being crowded together, in the passage; their attempts to
rise in defence of their own freedom, and, when this was impracticable, to
destroy themselves by the refusal of sustenance, by jumping overboard into
the sea, and in other ways; the effect also of their situation upon their
minds, by producing insanity and various diseases; and the cruel manner of
disposing of them in the West Indies, and of separating relatives and
friends.

With respect to the seamen employed in this trade, he commended captain
Frazer for his kind usage to them, under whom he had so long served. The
handsome way in which be spoke of the latter pleased me much, because I was
willing to deduce from it his own impartiality, and because I thought I
might infer from it also his regard to truth as to other parts of his
narrative. Indeed I had been before acquainted with this circumstance.
Thompson, of the Seven Stars, had informed me that Frazer was the only man
sailing out of that port for slaves, who had not been guilty of cruelty to
his seamen: and Mr. Burges alluded to it, when he gave me advice not to
proceed against the captain of the Alfred; for he then said, as I mentioned
in a former chapter, "that he knew but one captain in the trade, who did
not deserve long ago to be hanged." Mr. Falconbridge, however, stated, that
though he had been thus fortunate in the Tartar and Emilia, he had been as
unfortunate in the Alexander; for he believed there were no instances upon
naval record, taken altogether, of greater barbarity, than of that which
had been exercised towards the seamen in this voyage. In running over
these, it struck me that I had heard of the same from some other quarter,
or at least that these were so like the others, that I was surprised at
their coincidence. On taking out my notes, I looked for the names of those
whom I recollected to have been used in this manner; and on desiring Mr.
Falconbridge to mention the names of those also to whom he alluded, they
turned out to be the same. The mystery, however, was soon cleared up, when
I told him from whom I had received my intelligence: for Mr. Arnold, the
last-mentioned person in the last chapter, had been surgeon's mate under
Mr. Falconbridge in the same vessel.

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