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The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I by Thomas Clarkson



T >> Thomas Clarkson >> The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I

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The next day, or on Friday, July the eleventh, the King gave his assent to
it, and, as Lord Stanhope had previously asserted in the House of Lords,
concluded the session.

While the legislature was occupied in the consideration of this bill, the
Lords of the Council continued their examinations, that they might collect
as much light as possible previously to the general agitation of the
question in the next session of parliament. Among others I underwent an
examination. I gave my testimony first relative to many of the natural
productions of Africa, of which I produced the specimens. These were such
as I had collected in the course of my journey to Bristol and Liverpool,
and elsewhere. I explained, secondly, the loss and usage of seamen in the
Slave-trade. To substantiate certain points, which belonged to this branch
of the subject, I left several depositions and articles of agreement for
the examination of the council. With respect to others, as it would take a
long time to give all the data upon which calculations had been made and
the manner of making them, I was desired to draw up a statement of
particulars, and to send it to the council at a future time. I left also
depositions with them relative to certain instances of the mode of
procuring and treating slaves.

The commitee also for effecting the abolition of the Slave-trade continued
their attention, during this period, towards the promotion of the different
objects, which came within the range of the institution.

They added the reverend Dr. Coombe, in consequence of the great increase of
their business, to the list of their members.

They voted thanks to Mr. Hughes, vicar of Ware in Hertfordshire, for his
excellent Answer to Harm's Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the
Slave-trade, and they enrolled him among their honorary and corresponding
members. Also thanks to William Roscoe, esquire, for his Answer to the
same. Mr. Roscoe had not affixed his name to this pamphlet any more than to
his poem of The Wrongs of Africa. But he made himself known to the commitee
as the author of both. Also thanks to William Smith and Henry Beaufoy,
esquires, for having so successfully exposed the evidence offered by the
slave-merchants against the bill of Sir William Dolben, and for having
drawn out of it so many facts, all making for their great object, the
abolition of the Slave-trade.

As the great question was to be discussed in the approaching sessions, it
was moved in the commitee to consider of the propriety of sending persons
to Africa and the West Indies, who should obtain information relative to
the different branches of the system as they existed in each of these
countries, in order that they might be able to give their testimony, from
their own experience, before one or both of the houses of parliament, as it
might be judged proper. This proposition was discussed at two or three
several meetings. It was however finally rejected, and principally on the
following grounds: First, It was obvious, that persons sent out upon such
an errand would be exposed to such dangers from various causes, that it was
not improbable that both they and their testimony might be lost. Secondly,
Such persons would be obliged to have recourse to falsehoods, that is, to
conceal or misrepresent the objects of their destination, that they might
get their intelligence with safety; which falsehoods the commitee could not
countenance. To which it was added, that few persons would go to these
places, except they were handsomely rewarded for their trouble; but this
reward would lessen the value of their evidence, as it would afford a
handle to the planters and slave-merchants to say that they had been
bribed.

Another circumstance, which came before the commitee, was the following:
Many arguments were afloat at this time relative to the great impolicy of
abolishing the Slave-trade, the principal of which was, that, if the
English abandoned it, other foreign nations would take it up; and thus,
while they gave up certain national profits themselves, the great cause of
humanity would not be benefited, nor would any moral good be done by the
measure. Now there was a presumption that, by means of the society
instituted in Paris, the French nation might be awakened to this great
subject, and that the French government might in consequence, as well as
upon other considerations, be induced to favour the general feeling upon
this occasion. But there was no reason to conclude, either that any other
maritime people, who had been engaged in the Slave-trade, would relinquish
it, or that any other, who had not yet been engaged in it, would not begin
it when our countrymen should give it up. The consideration of these
circumstances occupied the attention of the commitee; and as Dr. Spaarman,
who was said to have been examined by the privy council, was returning
home, it was thought advisable to consider whether it would not be proper
for the commitee to select certain of their own books on the subject of the
Slave-trade, and send them by him, accompanied by a letter, to the King of
Sweden, in which they should entreat his consideration of this powerful
argument which now stood in the way of the cause of humanity, with a view
that, as one of the princes of Europe, he might contribute to obviate it,
by preventing his own subjects, in case of the dereliction of this commerce
by ourselves, from embarking in it. The matter having been fully
considered, it was resolved that the proposed measure would be proper, and
it was accordingly adopted. By a letter received afterwards from Dr.
Spaarman, it appeared that both the letter and the books had been
delivered, and received graciously; and that he was authorised to say,
that, unfortunately, in consequence of those, hereditary possessions which
had devolved upon his majesty, he was obliged to confess that he was the
sovereign of an island, which had, been principally peopled by African
slaves, but that he had been frequently mindful of their hard case. With
respect to the Slave-trade, he never heard of an instance, in which the
merchants of his own native realm had embarked in it; and as they had
hitherto preserved their character pure in this respect, he would do all he
could, that it should not be sullied in the eyes of the generous English
nation, by taking up, in the case which had been pointed out to him, such
an odious concern.

By this time I had finished my Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade,
which I composed from materials collected chiefly during my journey to
Bristol, Liverpool, and Lancaster. These materials I had admitted with
great caution and circumspection; indeed I admitted none, for which I could
not bring official and other authentic documents, or living evidences if
necessary, whose testimony could not reasonably be denied; and, when I gave
them to the world, I did it under the impression that I ought to give them
as scrupulously, as if I were to be called upon to substantiate them upon
oath. It was of peculiar moment that this book should make its appearance
at this time. First, Because it would give the Lords of the Council, who
were then sitting, an opportunity of seeing many important facts, and of
inquiring into their authenticity; and it might suggest to them also some
new points, or such as had not fallen within the limits of the arrangement
they had agreed upon for their examinations on this subject; and Secondly,
Because, as the members of the House of Commons were to take the question
into consideration early in the next sessions, it would give them also new
light and information upon it before this period. Accordingly the commitee
ordered two thousand copies of it to be struck off, for these and other
objects; and though the contents of it were most diligently sifted by the
different opponents of the cause, they never even made an attempt to answer
it. It continued, on the other hand, during the inquiry of the legislature,
to afford the basis or grounds upon which to examine evidences on the
political part of the subject; and evidences thus examined continued in
their turn to establish it.

Among the other books ordered to be printed by the commitee within the
period now under our consideration, were a new edition of two thousand of
the Dean of Middleham's Letter, and another of three thousand of
Falconbridge's Account of the Slave-trade.

The commitee continued to keep up, during the same period, a communication
with many of their old correspondents, whose names have been already
mentioned. But they received also letters from others, who had not hitherto
addressed them; namely, from Ellington Wright of Erith, Dr. Franklin of
Philadelphia, Eustace Kentish esquire, high sheriff for the county of
Huntingdon, Governor Bouchier, the reverend Charles Symmons of
Haverfordwest; and from John York and William Downes esquires, high
sheriffs for the counties of York and Hereford.

A letter also was read in this interval from Mr. Evans, a dissenting
clergyman, of Bristol, stating that the elders of several Baptist churches,
forming the western Baptist association, who had met at Portsmouth Common,
had resolved to recommend it to the ministers and members of the same, to
unite with the commitee in the promotion of the great object of their
institution.

Another from Mr. Andrew Irvin, of the Island of Grenada, in which he
confirmed the wretched situation of many of the slaves there, and in which
he gave the outlines of a plan for bettering their condition, as well as
that of those in the other islands.

Another from I.L. Wynne, esquire, of Jamaica. In this he gave an
afflicting account of the suffering and unprotected state of the slaves
there, which it was high time to rectify. He congratulated the commitee on
their institution, which he thought would tend to promote so desirable an
end; but desired them not to stop short of the total abolition of the
Slave-trade, as no other measure would prove effectual against the evils of
which he complained. This trade, he said, was utterly unnecessary, as his
own plantation, on which his slaves had increased rapidly by population,
and others which he knew to be similarly circumstanced, would abundantly
testify. He concluded by promising to give the commitee, such information
from time to time as might be useful on this important subject.

The session of parliament having closed, the commitee thought it right to
make a report to the public, in which they gave an account of the great
progress of their cause since the last, of the state in which they then
were, and of the unjustifiable conduct of their opponents, who
industriously misrepresented their views, but particularly by attributing
to them the design of abolishing slavery; and they concluded by exhorting
their friends not to relax their endeavours, on account of favourable
appearances, but to persevere, as if nothing had been done, under the
pleasing hope of an honourable triumph.

And now having given the substance of the labours of the commitee from its
formation to the present time, I cannot conclude this volume without giving
to the worthy members of it that tribute of affectionate and grateful
praise, which is due to them for their exertions in having forwarded the
great cause which was intrusted to their care. And this I can do with more
propriety, because, having been so frequently absent from them when they
were engaged in the pursuit of this their duty, I cannot be liable to the
suspicion, that in bestowing commendation upon them I am bestowing it upon
myself. From about the end of May 1787 to the middle of July 1788 they had
held no less than fifty-one commitees. These generally occupied them from
about six in the evening till about eleven at night. In the intervals
between the commitees they were often occupied, having each of them some
object committed to his charge. It is remarkable, too, that though they
were all except one engaged in business or trade, and though they had the
same calls as other men for innocent recreation, and the same interruptions
of their health, there were individuals, who were not absent more than five
or six times within this period. In the course of the thirteen months,
during which they had exercised this public trust, they had printed, and
afterwards distributed, not at random, but judiciously, and through
respectable channels, (besides twenty-six thousand five hundred and
twenty-six reports, accounts of debates in parliament, and other small
papers,) no less than fifty-one thousand four hundred and thirty-two
pamphlets, or books.

Nor was the effect produced within this short period otherwise than
commensurate with the efforts used. In May 1787, the only public notice
taken of this great cause was by this commitee of twelve individuals, of
whom all were little known to the world except Mr. Granville Sharp. But in
July 1788, it had attracted the notice of several distinguished individuals
in France and Germany, and in our own country it had come within the
notice, of the government, and a branch of it had undergone a parliamentary
discussion and restraint. It had arrested also the attention of the nation,
and it had produced a kind of holy flame, or enthusiasm, and this to a
degree and to an extent never before witnessed. Of the purity of this flame
no better proof can be offered, than that even bishops deigned to address
an obscure commitee, consisting principally of Quakers, and that churchmen
and dissenters forgot their difference of religious opinions, and joined
their hands, all over the kingdom, in its support.


END OF THE FIRST VOLUME


Printed by Richard Taylor and Co. Shoe Lane.








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