The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I by Thomas Clarkson

T >> Thomas Clarkson >> The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament (1808), Vol. I

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The letter, from which this is an extract, produced a desirable effect upon
many of those, who perused it, but particularly upon such as began to be
seriously disposed in these times. And as George Whitfield continued a firm
friend to the poor Africans, never losing an opportunity of serving them,
he interested, in the course of his useful life, many thousands of his
followers in their favour.

To this account it may be added, that from the year 1762, ministers, who
were in the connection of John Wesley, began to be settled in America, and
that as these were friends to the oppressed Africans also, so they
contributed in their turn[A] to promote a softness of feeling towards them
among those of their own persuasion.

[Footnote A: It must not be forgotten that the example of the Moravians had
its influence, also, in directing men to their duty towards these oppressed
people; for though, when they visited this part of the world for their
conversion, they never meddled with the political state of things, by
recommending it to masters to alter the condition of their slaves, as
believing religion could give comfort in the most abject situations in
life, yet they uniformly freed those slaves, who came into their own
possession.]

In consequence then of these and other causes, a considerable number of
persons of various religious denominations had appeared at different times
in America, besides the Quakers, who, though they had not distinguished
themselves by resolutions and manumissions as religious bodies, were yet
highly friendly to the African cause.

This friendly disposition began to manifest itself about the year 1770: for
when a few Quakers, as individuals, began at that time to form little
associations in the middle provinces of North America, to discourage the
introduction of slaves among people in their own neighbourhoods, who were
not of their own Society, and to encourage the manumission of those already
in bondage, they were joined as colleagues by several persons of this
description[A], who cooperated with them in the promotion of their design.

[Footnote A: It then appeared that individuals among those of the church of
England, Roman Catholics, presbyterians, methodists, and, others, had begun
in a few instances to liberate their slaves.]

This disposition however became more manifest in the year 1772; for the
house of burgesses of Virginia presented a petition to the King, beseeching
his majesty to remove all those restraints on his governors of that colony,
which inhibited their assent to such laws, as might check that inhuman and
impolitic commerce, the Slave-trade: and it is remarkable, that the refusal
of the British government to permit the Virginians to exclude slaves from
among them by law, was enumerated afterwards among the public reasons for
separating from the mother country.

But this friendly disposition was greatly increased in the year 1773, by
the literary labours of Dr. Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia[A], who, I
believe, is a member of the presbyterian church. For in this year, at the
instigation of Anthony Benezet, he took up the cause of the oppressed
Africans in a little work, which he entitled An Address to the Inhabitants
of the British Settlements on the Slavery of the Negros; and soon
afterwards in another, which was a vindication of the first, in answer to
an acrimonious attack by a West Indian planter. These publications
contained many new observations. They were written in a polished style; and
while they exhibited the erudition and talents, they showed the liberality
and benevolence, of the author. Having had a considerable circulation, they
spread conviction among many, and promoted the cause for which they had
been so laudibly undertaken. Of the great increase of friendly disposition
towards the African cause in this very year, we have this remarkable
proof;--that when the Quakers, living in East and West Jersey, wished to
petition the legislature to obtain an act of assembly for the more
equitable manumission of slaves in that province, so many others of
different persuasions joined them, that the petition was signed by upwards
of three thousand persons.

[Footnote A: Dr. Rush has been better known since for his other literary
works; such as his Medical Dissertations, his Treatises on the Discipline
of Schools, Criminal Law, &c.]

But in the next year, or in the year 1774[A], the increased good-will
towards the Africans became so apparent, but more particularly in
Pennsylvania, where the Quakers were more numerous than in any other state,
that they, who considered themselves more immediately as the friends of
these injured people, thought it right to avail themselves of it: and
accordingly James Pemberton, one of the most conspicuous of the Quakers in
Pennsylvania, and Dr. Rush, one of the most conspicuous of those belonging
to the various other religious communities in that province, undertook, in
conjunction with others, the important task of bringing those into a
society who were friendly to this cause. In this undertaking they
succeeded. And hence arose that union of the Quakers with others, to which
I have been directing the attention of the reader, and by which the third
class of forerunners and coadjutors becomes now complete. This society,
which was confined to Pennsylvania, was the first ever formed in America,
in which there was an union of persons of different religious denominations
in behalf of the African race.

[Footnote A: In this year, Elhanan Winchester, a supporter of the doctrine
of universal redemption, turned the attention of many of his hearers to
this subject, both by private interference and by preaching expressly upon
it.]

But this society had scarcely begun to act, when the war broke out between
England and America, which had the effect of checking its operations. This
was considered as a severe blow upon it. But as those things which appear
most to our disadvantage, turn out often the most to our benefit, so the
war, by giving birth to the independence of America, was ultimately
favourable to its progress. For as this contest had produced during its
continuance, so it left, when it was over, a general enthusiasm for
liberty. Many talked of little else but of the freedom they had gained.
These were naturally led to the consideration of those among them, who were
groaning in bondage. They began to feel for their hard case. They began to
think that they should not deserve the new blessing which they had
acquired, if they denied it to others. Thus the discussions, which
originated in this contest, became the occasion of turning the attention of
many, who might not otherwise have thought of it, towards the miserable
condition of the slaves.

Nor were writers wanting, who, influenced by considerations on the war and
the independence resulting from it, made their works subservient to the
same benevolent end. A work, entitled, A Serious Address to the Rulers of
America on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting Slavery, forming a
Contrast between the Encroachments of England on American Liberty and
American Injustice in tolerating Slavery, which appeared in 1783, was
particularly instrumental in producing this effect. This excited a more
than usual attention to the case of these oppressed people, and where most
of all it could be useful. For the author compared in two opposite columns
the animated speeches and resolutions of the members of congress in behalf
of their own liberty with their conduct in continuing slavery to others.
Hence the legislature began to feel the inconsistency of the practice; and
so far had the sense of this inconsistency spread there, that when the
delegates met from each state, to consider of a federal union, there was a
desire that the abolition of the Slave-trade should be one of the articles
in it. This was, however, opposed by the delegates from North and South
Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, and Georgia, the five states which had the
greatest concern in slaves. But even these offered to agree to the article,
provided a condition was annexed to it, (which was afterwards done,) that
the power of such abolition should not commence in the legislature till the
first of January 1808.

In consequence then of these different circumstances, the society of
Pennsylvania, the object of which was "for promoting the abolition of
slavery and the relief of free Negros unlawfully held in bondage," became
so popular, that in the year 1787 it was thought desirable to enlarge it.
Accordingly several new members were admitted into it. The celebrated Dr.
Franklin, who had long warmly espoused the cause of the injured Africans,
was appointed president; James Pemberton and Jonathan Penrose were
appointed vice-presidents; Dr. Benjamin Rush and Tench Coxe, secretaries;
James Star, treasurer; William Lewis, John D. Coxe, Miers Fisher, and
William Rawle, counsellors; Thomas Harrison, Nathan Boys, James Whiteall,
James Reed, John Todd, Thomas Armatt, Norris Jones, Samuel Richards,
Francis Bayley, Andrew Carson, John Warner, and Jacob Shoemaker, junior, an
electing commitee; and Thomas Shields, Thomas Parker, John Oldden, William
Zane, John Warner, and William McElhenny, an acting commitee for carrying
on the purposes of the institution.

I shall now only observe further upon this subject, that as a society,
consisting of an union of the Quakers, with others of other religious
denominations, was established for Pennsylvania in behalf of the oppressed
Africans, so different societies, consisting each of a similar union of
persons, were established in New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware,
Maryland, and other states for the same object, and that these afterwards
held a correspondence and personal communion with each other for the
promotion of it.

CHAPTER VI.

_Observations on the three classes already introduced--Coincidence of
extraordinary circumstances--Individuals in each of these classes, who
seem to have had an education as it were to qualify them for promoting the
cause of the abolition--Sharp and Ramsay in the first--Dillwyn in the
second--Pemberton and Rush in the third--These, with their respective
classes, acted on motives of their own, and independently of each
other--and yet, from circumstances neither foreseen nor known by them, they
were in the way of being easily united in 1787--William Dillwyn, the great
medium of connection between them all._

If the reader will refer to his recollection, he will find, that I have
given the history of three of the classes of the forerunners and coadjutors
in the great cause of the abolition of the Slave-trade up to the time
proposed. He will of course expect that I should proceed with the history
of the fourth. But, as I foresee that, by making certain observations upon
the classes already introduced in the present rather than in any future
place, I shall be able to give him clearer views on the subject, I shall
postpone the history of the remaining class to the next chapter.

The account, which I shall now give, will exhibit a concurrence of
extraordinary and important circumstances. It will show, first, that in
each of the three classes now introduced, there were individuals in the
year 1787, who had been educated as it were for the purpose of becoming
peculiarly qualified to act together for the promotion of the abolition of
the Slave-trade. It will show, secondly, that these, with their respective
classes, acted upon their own principles, distinctly and independently of
each other. And, lastly, that by means of circumstances, which they
themselves had neither foreseen nor contrived, a junction between them was
rendered easily practicable, and that it was beginning to take place at the
period assigned.

The first class of forerunners and coadjutors consisted principally, as it
has appeared, of persons in England of various descriptions. These, I may
observe, had no communication with each other as to any plan for the
abolition of the Slave-trade. There were two individuals, however, among
them, who were more conspicuous than the rest, namely, Granville Sharp, the
first labourer, and Mr. Ramsay, the first controversial writer, in the
cause.

That Granville Sharp received an education as if to become qualified to
unite with others, in the year 1787, for this important object, must have
appeared from the history of his labours, as detailed in several of the
preceding pages. The same may be said of Mr. Ramsay; for it has already
appeared that he lived in the island of St. Christopher, where he made his
observations, and studied the laws, relative to the treatment of slaves,
for nineteen years.

That Granville Sharp acted on grounds distinct from those in any of the
other classes is certain. For he knew nothing at this time either of the
Quakers in England or of those in America, any more than that they existed
by name. Had it not been for the case of Jonathan Strong, he might never
have attached himself to the cause. A similar account may be given of Mr.
Ramsay; for, if it had not been for what he had seen in the island of St.
Christopher, he had never embarked in it. It was from scenes, which he had
witnessed there, that he began to feel on the subject. These feelings he
communicated to others on his return to England, and these urged him into
action.

With respect to the second class, the reader will recollect that it
consisted of the Quakers in England: first, of George Fox; then of the
Quakers as a body; then of individuals belonging to that body, who formed
themselves into a commitee, independently of it, for the promotion of the
object in question. This commitee, it may be remembered, consisted of six
persons, of whom one was William Dillwyn.

That William Dillwyn became fitted for the station, which he was afterwards
to take, will be seen shortly. He was born in America, and was a pupil of
the venerable Benezet, who took pains very early to interest his feelings
on this great subject. Benezet employed him occasionally, I mean in a
friendly manner, as his amanuensis, to copy his manuscripts for
publication, as well as several of his letters written in behalf of the
cause. This gave his scholar an insight into the subject, who, living
besides in the land where both the Slave-trade and slavery were
established, obtained an additional knowledge of them, so as to be able to
refute many of those objections, to which others for want of local
observation could never have replied.

In the year 1772 Anthony Benezet introduced William Dillwyn by letter to
several of the principal people of Carolina, with whom he had himself
before corresponded on the sufferings of the poor Africans, and desired him
to have interviews with them on the subject. He charged him also to be very
particular in making observations as to what he should see there. This
journey was of great use to the latter in fixing him as the friend of these
oppressed people, for he saw so much of their cruel treatment in the course
of it, that he felt an anxiety ever afterwards, amounting to a duty, to do
everything in his power for their relief.

In the year 1773 William Dillwyn, in conjunction with Richard Smith and
Daniel Wells, two of his own Society, wrote a pamphlet in answer to
arguments then prevailing, that the manumission of slaves would be
injurious. This pamphlet,--which was entitled, Brief Considerations on
Slavery, and the Expediency of its Abolition; with some Hints on the Means
whereby it may be gradually effected,--proved that in lieu of the usual
security required, certain sums paid at the several periods of manumission
would amply secure the public, as well as the owners of the slaves, from
any future burthens. In the same year also, when the Society, joined by
several hundreds of others in New Jersey, presented a petition to the
legislature, (as mentioned in the former chapter,) to obtain an act of
assembly for the more equitable manumission of slaves in that province,
William Dillwyn was one of a deputation, which was heard at the bar of the
assembly for that purpose.

In 1774 he came to England, but his attention was still kept alive to the
subject. For he was the person, by whom Anthony Benezet sent his letter to
the Countess of Huntingdon, as before related. He was also the person, to
whom the same venerable defender of the African race sent his letter,
before spoken of, to be forwarded to the Queen.

That William Dillwyn and those of his own class in England acted upon
motives very distinct from those of the former class may be said with
truth, for they acted upon the constitutional principles of their own
Society, as incorporated into its discipline, which principles would always
have incited them to the subversion of slavery, as far as they themselves
were concerned, whether any other persons had abolished it or not. To which
it may be added, as a further proof of the originality of their motives,
that the Quakers have had ever since their institution as a religious body,
but little intercourse with the world.

The third class, to which I now come, consisted, as we have seen, first, of
the Quakers in America; and secondly, of an union of these with others on
the same continent. The principal individuals concerned in this union were
James Pemberton and Dr. Rush. The former of these, having taken an active
part in several of the yearly meetings of his own Society relative to the
oppressed Africans, and having been in habits of intimacy and friendship
with John Woolman and Anthony Benezet, with the result of whose labours he
was acquainted, may be supposed to have become qualified to take a leading
station in the promotion of their cause. Dr. Rush also had shown himself,
as has appeared, an able advocate, and had even sustained a controversy in
their favour. That the two last mentioned acted also on motives of their
own, or independently of those belonging to the other two classes, when
they formed their association in Pennsylvania, will be obvious from these
circumstances; first, that most of those of the first class, who
contributed to throw the greatest light and odium upon the Slave-trade, had
not then made their public appearance in the world. And, with respect to
the second class, the little commitee belonging to it had neither been
formed nor thought of.

And as the individuals in each of the three classes, who have now been
mentioned, had an education as it were to qualify them for acting together
in this great cause, and had moved independently of each other, so it will
appear that, by means of circumstances which they themselves had neither
foreseen nor contrived, a junction between them was rendered easily
practicable, and that it was beginning to take place at the period
assigned.

To show this, I must first remind the reader that Anthony Benezet, as soon
as he heard of the result of the case of Somerset, opened a correspondence
with Granville Sharp, which was kept up to the encouragement of both. In
the year 1774, when he learned that William Dillwyn was going to England,
he gave him letters to that gentleman. Thus one of the most conspicuous of
the second class was introduced, accidentally as it were, to one of the
most conspicuous of the first. In the year 1775 William Dillwyn went back
to America, but, on his return to England to settle, he renewed his visits
to Granville Sharp. Thus the connection was continued. To these
observations I may now add; that Samuel Hoare, of the same class as William
Dillwyn, had, in consequence of the Bishop of Chester's sermon, begun a
correspondence in 1784, as before mentioned, with Mr. Ramsay, who was of
the same class as Mr. Sharp. Thus four individuals of the two first classes
were in the way of an union with one another.

But circumstances equally natural contributed to render an union between
the members of the second and the third classes easily practicable also.
For what was more natural than that William Dillwyn, who was born and who
had resided long in America, should have connections there? He had long
cultivated a friendship (not then knowing to what it would lead) with James
Pemberton. His intimacy with him was like that of a family connection. They
corresponded together. They corresponded also as kindred hearts, relative
to the Slave-trade. Thus two members of the second and third classes had
opened an intercourse on the subject, and thus was William Dillwyn the
great medium, through whom the members of the two classes now mentioned, as
well as the members of all the three might be easily united also, if a fit
occasion should offer.

CHAPTER VII.

_Fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to 1787--Dr. Peckard,
vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the first of these--gives
out the Slave-trade as the subject for one of the annual prizes--Author
writes and obtains the first of these--reads his Dissertation in the
Senate-house in the summer of 1785--his feelings on the subject during his
return home--is desirous of aiding the cause of the Africans, but sees
great difficulties--determines to publish his prize-essay for this
purpose--is accidentally thrown into the way of James Phillips, who
introduces him to W. Dillwyn, the connecting medium of the three classes
before mentioned--and to G. Sharp, and Mr. Ramsay--and to R. Phillips._

I proceed now to the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to the
year 1787 in the great cause of the abolition of the Slave-trade.

The first of these was Dr. Peckard. This gentleman had distinguished
himself in the earlier part of his life by certain publications on the
intermediate state of the soul, and by others in favour of civil and
religious liberty. To the latter cause he was a warm friend, seldom
omitting any opportunity of declaring his sentiments in its favour. In the
course of his preferment he was appointed by Sir John Griffin, afterwards
Lord Howard, of Walden, to the mastership of Magdalen College in the
University of Cambridge. In this high office he considered it to be his
duty to support those doctrines which he had espoused when in an inferior
station; and accordingly, when in the year 1784 it devolved upon him to
preach a sermon before the University of Cambridge, he chose his favourite
subject, in the handling of which he took an opportunity of speaking of the
Slave-trade in the following nervous manner:--

"Now, whether we consider the crime, with respect to the individuals
concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffic, or whether we consider
it as patronized and encouraged by the laws of the land, it presents to our
view an equal degree of enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful
preeminence in wickedness--A crime, which being both of individuals and the
nation, heaviest judgment of Almighty God, who made of one blood all the
sons of men, and who gave to all equally a natural right to liberty; and
who, ruling all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice,
cannot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass long
unpunished."

But Dr. Peckard did not consider this delivery of his testimony, though it
was given before a learned and religious body, as a sufficient discharge of
his duty, while any opportunity remained of renewing it with effect. And,
as such an one offered in the year 1785, when he was vice-chancellor of the
University, he embraced it. In consequence of his office, it devolved upon
him to give out two subjects for Latin dissertations, one to the middle
bachelors, and the other to the senior bachelors of arts. They who produced
the best were to obtain the prizes. To the latter, he proposed the
following: "Anne liceat Invitos in Servitutem dare?" or, "Is it right to
make slaves of others against their will?"

This circumstance of giving out the subjects for the prizes, though only an
ordinary measure, became the occasion of my own labours, or of the real
honour which I feel in being able to consider myself as the next coadjutor
of this class in the cause of the injured Africans. For it happened in this
year that, being of the order of senior bachelors, I became qualified to
write. I had gained a prize for the best Latin dissertation in the former
year, and, therefore, it was expected that I should obtain one in the
present, or I should be considered as having lost my reputation both in the
eyes of the University and of my own College. It had happened also, that I
had been honoured with the first of the prizes[A] in that year, and
therefore it was expected again, that I should obtain the first on this
occasion. The acquisition of the second, however honourable, would have
been considered as a falling off, or as a loss of former fame. I felt
myself, therefore, particularly called upon to maintain my post. And, with
feelings of this kind, I began to prepare myself for the question.

[Footnote A: There are two prizes on each subject, one for the best and the
other for the second-best essays.]

In studying the thesis, I conceived it to point directly to the African
Slave-trade, and more particularly as I knew that Dr. Peckard, in the
sermon which I have mentioned, had pronounced so warmly against it. At any
rate, I determined to give it this construction. But, alas! I was wholly
ignorant of this subject; and, what was unfortunate, a few weeks only were
allowed for the composition. I was determined, however, to make the best
use of my time. I got access to the manuscript papers of a deceased friend,
who had been in the trade. I was acquainted also with several officers who
had been in the West Indies, and from these I gained something. But I still
felt myself at a loss for materials, and I did not know where to get them;
when going by accident into a friend's house, I took up a newspaper then
lying on his table. One of the articles, which attracted my notice, was an
advertisement of Anthony Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea. I soon
left my friend and his paper, and, to lose no time, hastened to London to
buy it. In this precious book I found almost all I wanted. I obtained, by
means of it, a knowledge of, and gained access to, the great authorities of
Adanson, Moore, Barbot, Smith, Bosman and others. It was of great
consequence to know what these persona had said upon this subject. For,
having been themselves either long resident in Africa, or very frequently
there, their knowledge of it could not be questioned. Having been concerned
also in the trade, it was not likely that they would criminate themselves
more than they could avoid. Writing too at a time, when the abolition was
not even thought of, they could not have been biassed with any view to that
event. And, lastly, having been dead many years, they could not have been
influenced, as living evidences may be supposed to have been, either to
conceal or to exaggerate, as their own interest might lead them, either by
being concerned in the continuance of the trade, or by supporting the
opinions of those of their patrons in power, who were on the different
sides of this question.

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