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Camp Fire and Cotton Field by Thomas W. Knox



T >> Thomas W. Knox >> Camp Fire and Cotton Field

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"A few paces distant is another corpse, with its hands thrown upward
in the position the soldier occupied when he received his fatal wound.
The clothing is not torn, no blood appears upon the garments, and the
face, though swollen, bears no expression of anguish. Twenty yards
away are the remains of a body cut in two by a shell. The grass is
drenched in blood, that the rain of yesterday has not washed away.
As I move forward I find the body of a Rebel soldier, evidently
slain while taking aim over a musket. The hands are raised, the left
extended beyond the right, and the fingers of the former partly bent,
as if they had just been grasping the stock of a gun. One foot is
advanced, and the body is lying on its right side. To appearances it
did not move a muscle after receiving its death-wound. Another body
attracts my attention by its delicate white hands, and its face black
as that of a negro.

"The farm-house on the Emmetsburg road, where General Meade held his
head-quarters during the cannonade, is most fearfully cut up. General
Lee masked his artillery, and opened with one hundred and thirty
pieces at the same moment. Two shells in every second of time fell
around those head-quarters. They tore through the little white
building, exploding and scattering their fragments in every direction.
Not a spot in its vicinity was safe. One shell through the door-step,
another in the chimney, a third shattering a rafter, a fourth carrying
away the legs of a chair in which an officer was seated; others
severing and splintering the posts in front of the house, howling
through the trees by which the dwelling was surrounded, and raising
deep furrows in the soft earth. One officer, and another, and another
were wounded. Strange to say, amid all this iron hail, no one of the
staff was killed.

"Once more at the cemetery, I crossed the Baltimore turnpike to the
hill that forms the extremity of the ridge, on which the main portion
of our line of battle was located. I followed this ridge to the point
held by our extreme right. About midway along the ridge was the scene
of the fiercest attack upon that portion of the field. Tree after
tree was scarred from base to limbs so thickly that it would have been
impossible to place one's hand upon the trunk without covering the
marks of a bullet. One tree was stripped of more than half its leaves;
many of its twigs were partially severed, and hanging wilted and
nearly ready to drop to the ground. The trunk of the tree, about ten
inches in diameter, was cut and scarred in every part. The fire
which struck these trees was that from our muskets upon the advancing
Rebels. Every tree and bush for the distance of half a mile along
these works was nearly as badly marked. The rocks, wherever they faced
our breast-works, were thickly stippled with dots like snow-flakes.
The missiles, flattened by contact with the rock, were lying among the
leaves, giving little indication of their former character.

"Our sharp-shooters occupied novel positions. One of them found half
a hollow log, standing upright, with a hole left by the removal of a
knot, which gave him an excellent embrasure. Some were in tree-tops,
others in nooks among the rocks, and others behind temporary
barricades of their own construction. Owing to the excellence of our
defenses, the Rebels lost heavily."



A few days after visiting this field, I joined the army in Western
Maryland. The Rebels were between us and the Potomac. We were steadily
pressing them, rather with a design of driving them across the Potomac
without further fighting, than of bringing on an engagement. Lee
effected his crossing in safety, only a few hundred men of his
rear-guard being captured on the left bank of the Potomac.

The Maryland campaign was ended when Lee was driven out. Our army
crossed the Potomac further down that stream, but made no vigorous
pursuit. I returned to New York, and once more proceeded to the West.

Our victory in Pennsylvania was accompanied by the fall of Vicksburg
and the surrender of Pemberton's army. A few days later, the capture
of Port Hudson was announced. The struggle for the possession of the
Mississippi was substantially ended when the Rebel fortifications
along its banks fell into our hands.




CHAPTER XXVIII.

IN THE NORTHWEST.

From Chicago to Minnesota.--Curiosities of Low-Water Navigation.--St.
Paul and its Sufferings in Earlier Days.--The Indian War.--A Brief
History of our Troubles in that Region.--General Pope's Expeditions to
Chastise the Red Man.--Honesty in the Indian Department.--The End of
the Warfare.--The Pacific Railway.--A Bold Undertaking.--Penetrating
British Territory.--The Hudson Bay Company.--Peculiarities of a
Trapper's Life.


Early in September, 1863, I found myself in Chicago, breathing the
cool, fresh air from Lake Michigan. From Chicago to Milwaukee I
skirted the shores of the lake, and from the latter city pushed
across Wisconsin to the Mississippi River. Here it was really the blue
Mississippi: its appearance was a pleasing contrast to the general
features of the river a thousand miles below. The banks, rough and
picturesque, rose abruptly from the water's edge, forming cliffs that
overtopped the table-land beyond. These cliffs appeared in endless
succession, as the boat on which I traveled steamed up the river
toward St. Paul. Where the stream widened into Lake Pepin, they seemed
more prominent and more precipitous than elsewhere, as the larger
expanse of water was spread at their base. The promontory known as
"Maiden's Rock" is the most conspicuous of all. The Indians relate
that some daughter of the forest, disappointed in love, once leaped
from its summit to the rough rocks, two hundred feet below. Her lover,
learning her fate, visited the spot, gazed from the fearful height,
and, after a prayer to the Great Spirit who watches over the Red
Man--returned to his friends and broke the heart of another Indian
maid.

Passing Lake Pepin and approaching St. Paul, the river became very
shallow. There had been little rain during the summer, and the
previous spring witnessed no freshet in that region. The effect was
apparent in the condition of the Mississippi. In the upper waters
boats moved with difficulty. The class that is said to steam wherever
there is a heavy dew, was brought into active use. From St. Paul to a
point forty miles below, only the lightest of the "stern-wheel" boats
could make any headway. The inhabitants declared they had never before
known such a low stage of water, and earnestly hoped it would not
occur again. It was paralyzing much of the business of the State.
Many flouring and lumber mills were lying idle. Transportation was
difficult, and the rates very high. A railway was being constructed
to connect with the roads from Chicago, but it was not sufficiently
advanced to be of any service.

Various stories were in circulation concerning the difficulties of
navigation on the Upper Mississippi in a low stage of water. One pilot
declared the wheels of his boat actually raised a cloud of dust in
many places. Another said his boat could run easily in the moisture on
the outside of a pitcher of ice-water, but could not move to advantage
in the river between Lake Pepin and St. Paul. A person interested in
the railway proposed to secure a charter for laying the track in the
bed of the Mississippi, but feared the company would be unable to
supply the locomotives with water on many portions of the route. Many
other jests were indulged in, all of which were heartily appreciated
by the people of St. Paul.

The day after my arrival at St. Paul, I visited the famous Falls of
the Minnehaha. I am unable to give them a minute description, my visit
being very brief. Its brevity arose from the entire absence of water
in the stream which supplies the fall. That fluid is everywhere
admitted to be useful for purposes of navigation, and I think it
equally desirable in the formation of a cascade.

The inhabitants of St. Paul have reason to bless the founders of their
city for the excellent site of the future metropolis of the Northwest.
Overlooking and almost overhanging the river in one part, in another
it slopes gently down to the water's edge, to the levee where the
steamers congregate. Back from the river the limits of the city extend
for several miles, and admit of great expansion. With a hundred years
of prosperity there would still be ample room for growth.

Before the financial crash in '57, this levee was crowded with
merchandise from St. Louis and Chicago. Storage was not always to be
had, though the construction of buildings was rapidly pushed. Business
was active, speculation was carried to the furthest limit, everybody
had money in abundance, and scattered it with no niggard hand. In
many of the brokers' windows, placards were posted offering
alluring inducements to capitalists. "Fifty per cent. guaranteed on
investments," was set forth on these placards, the offers coming from
parties considered perfectly sound. Fabulous sums were paid for
wild land and for lots in apocryphal towns. All was prosperity and
activity.

By-and-by came the crash, and this well-founded town passed through
a period of mourning and fasting. St. Paul saw many of its best
and heaviest houses vanish into thin air; merchants, bankers,
land-speculators, lumbermen, all suffered alike. Some disappeared
forever; others survived the shock, but never recovered their former
footing. Large amounts of property went under the auctioneer's hammer,
"to be sold without limit." Lots of land which cost two or three
hundred dollars in '56, were sold at auction in '58 for five or six
dollars each. Thousands of people lost their all in these unfortunate
land-speculations. Others who survived the crash have clung to their
acres, hoping that prosperity may return to the Northwest. At present
their wealth consists mainly of Great Expectations.

Though suffering greatly, the capital and business center of Minnesota
was by no means ruined. The speculators departed, but the farmers and
other working classes remained. Business "touched bottom" and then
slowly revived. St. Paul existed through all the calamity, and its
people soon learned the actual necessities of Minnesota. While they
mourn the departure of the "good times," many of them express a belief
that those happy days were injurious to the permanent prosperity of
the State.

St. Paul is one of the few cities of the world whose foundation
furnishes the material for their construction. The limestone rock on
which it is built is in layers of about a foot in thickness, and very
easy to quarry. The blocks require little dressing to fit them for
use. Though very soft at first, the stone soon hardens by exposure to
the air, and forms a neat and durable wall. In digging a cellar one
will obtain more than sufficient stone for the walls of his house.

At the time of my visit the Indian expedition of 1863 had just
returned, and was camped near Fort Snelling. This expedition was sent
out by General Pope, for the purpose of chastising the Sioux Indians.
It was under command of General Sibley, and accomplished a march of
nearly six hundred miles. As it lay in camp at Fort Snelling, the men
and animals presented the finest appearance I had ever observed in an
army just returned from a long campaign.

The Sioux massacres of 1862, and the campaign of General Pope in the
autumn of that year, attracted much attention. Nearly all the settlers
in the valley of the Minnesota above Fort Snelling were killed or
driven off. Other localities suffered to a considerable extent. The
murders--like nearly all murders of whites by the Indians--were of
the most atrocious character. The history of those massacres is a
chronicle of horrors rarely equaled during the present century. Whole
counties were made desolate, and the young State, just recovering from
its financial misfortunes, received a severe blow to its prosperity.

Various causes were assigned for the outbreak of hostilities on the
part of the Sioux Indians. Very few residents of Minnesota, in view
of the atrocities committed by the Indians, could speak calmly of the
troubles. All were agreed that there could be no peace and security
until the white men were the undisputed possessors of the land.

Before the difficulties began, there was for some time a growing
discontent on the part of the Indians, on account of repeated
grievances. Just previous to the outbreak, these Indians were summoned
to one of the Government Agencies to receive their annuities. These
annuities had been promised them at a certain time, but were not
forthcoming. The agents, as I was informed, had the money (in coin) as
it was sent from Washington, but were arranging to pay the Indians in
Treasury notes and pocket the premium on the gold. The Indians were
kept waiting while the gold was being exchanged for greenbacks. There
was a delay in making this exchange, and the Indians were put off from
day to day with promises instead of money.

An Indian knows nothing about days of grace, protests, insolvency,
expansions, and the other technical terms with which Wall Street is
familiar. He can take no explanation of broken promises, especially
when those promises are made by individuals who claim to represent the
Great Father at Washington. In this case the Sioux lost all confidence
in the agents, who had broken their word from day to day. Added to the
mental annoyance, there was great physical suffering. The traders at
the post would sell nothing without cash payment, and, without money,
the Indians were unable to procure what the stores contained in
abundance.

The annuities were not paid, and the traders refused to sell on
credit. Some of the Indians were actually starving, and one day they
forced their way into a store to obtain food. Taking possession, they
supplied themselves with what they desired. Among other things, they
found whisky, of the worst and most fiery quality. Once intoxicated,
all the bad passions of the savages were let loose. In their drunken
frenzy, the Indians killed one of the traders. The sight of blood made
them furious. Other white men at the Agency were killed, and thus the
contagion spread.

From the Agency the murderers spread through the valley of the St.
Peter's, proclaiming war against the whites. They made no distinction
of age or sex. The atrocities they committed are among the most
fiendish ever recorded.

The outbreak of these troubles was due to the conduct of the agents
who were dealing with the Indians. Knowing, as they should have known,
the character of the red man everywhere, and aware that the Sioux were
at that time discontented, it was the duty of those agents to treat
them with the utmost kindness and generosity. I do not believe the
Indians, when they plundered the store at the Agency, had any design
beyond satisfying their hunger. But with one murder committed, there
was no restraint upon their passions.

Many of our transactions with the Indians, in the past twenty years,
have not been characterized by the most scrupulous honesty. The
Department of the Interior has an interior history that would not bear
investigation. It is well known that the furnishing of supplies to the
Indians often enriches the agents and their political friends.
There is hardly a tribe along our whole frontier that has not been
defrauded. Dishonesty in our Indian Department was notorious during
Buchanan's Administration. The retirement of Buchanan and his cabinet
did not entirely bring this dishonesty to an end.

An officer of the Hudson Bay Company told me, in St. Paul, that it
was the strict order of the British Government, enforced in letter
and spirit by the Company, to keep full faith with the Indians.
Every stipulation is most scrupulously carried out. The slightest
infringement by a white man upon the rights of the Indians is punished
with great severity. They are furnished with the best qualities
of goods, and the quantity never falls below the stipulations.
Consequently the Indian has no cause of complaint, and is kept on the
most friendly terms. This officer said, "A white man can travel from
one end to the other of our territory, with no fear of molestation. It
is forty years since any trouble occurred between us and the Indians,
while on your side of the line you have frequent difficulties."

The autumn of '62 witnessed the campaign for the chastisement of
these Indians. Twenty-five thousand men were sent to Minnesota, under
General Pope, and employed against the Sioux. In a wild country, like
the interior of Minnesota, infantry cannot be used to advantage. On
this account, the punishment of the Indians was not as complete as our
authorities desired.

Some of the Indians were captured, some killed, and others
surrendered. Thirty-nine of the captives were hanged. A hundred others
were sent to prison at Davenport, Iowa, for confinement during life.
The coming of Winter caused a suspension of hostilities.

The spring of 1863 opened with the outfitting of two expeditions--one
to proceed through Minnesota, under General Sibley, and the other
up the Missouri River, under General Sully. These expeditions were
designed to unite somewhere on the Missouri River, and, by inclosing
the Indians between them, to bring them to battle. If the plan was
successful, the Indians would be severely chastised.

General Sibley moved across Minnesota, according to agreement, and
General Sully advanced up the Missouri. The march of the latter was
delayed on account of the unprecedented low water in the Missouri,
which retarded the boats laden with supplies. Although the two columns
failed to unite, they were partially successful in their primary
object. Each column engaged the Indians and routed them with
considerable loss.

After the return of General Sibley's expedition, a portion of the
troops composing it were sent to the Southwest, and attached to the
armies operating in Louisiana.

The Indian war in Minnesota dwindled to a fight on the part of
politicians respecting its merits in the past, and the best mode of
conducting it in the future. General Pope, General Sibley, and General
Sully were praised and abused to the satisfaction of every resident
of the State. Laudation and denunciation were poured out with equal
liberality. The contest was nearly as fierce as the struggle between
the whites and Indians. If epithets had been as fatal as bullets, the
loss of life would have been terrible. Happily, the wordy battle was
devoid of danger, and the State of Minnesota, her politicians, her
generals, and her men emerged from it without harm.

Various schemes have been devised for placing the Sioux Indians where
they will not be in our way. No spot of land can be found between
the Mississippi and the Pacific where their presence would not be an
annoyance to somebody. General Pope proposed to disarm these Indians,
allot no more reservations to them, and allow no traders among them.
He recommended that they be placed on Isle Royale, in Lake Superior,
and there furnished with barracks, rations, and clothing, just as the
same number of soldiers would be furnished. They should have no arms,
and no means of escaping to the main-land. They would thus be secluded
from all evil influence, and comfortably housed and cared for at
Government expense. If this plan should be adopted, it would be a
great relief to the people of our Northwestern frontier.

Minnesota has fixed its desires upon a railway to the Pacific. The
"St. Paul and Pacific Railway" is already in operation about forty
miles west of St. Paul, and its projectors hope, in time, to extend it
to the shores of the "peaceful sea." It has called British capital to
its aid, and is slowly but steadily progressing.

In the latter part of 1858 several enterprising citizens of St.
Paul took a small steamer in midwinter from the upper waters of the
Mississippi to the head of navigation, on the Red River of the North.
The distance was two hundred and fifty miles, and the route lay
through a wilderness. Forty yoke of oxen were required for moving the
boat. When navigation was open in the spring of 1859, the boat (the
_Anson Northrup_) steamed down to Fort Garry, the principal post of
the Hudson Bay Company, taking all the inhabitants by surprise. None
of them had any intimation of its coming, and were, consequently, as
much astonished as if the steamer had dropped from the clouds.

The agents of the Hudson Bay Company purchased the steamer, a few
hours after its arrival, for about four times its value. They hoped
to continue their seclusion by so doing; but were doomed to
disappointment. Another and larger boat was built in the following
year at Georgetown, Minnesota, the spot where the _Northrup_ was
launched. The isolation of the fur-traders was ended. The owners of
the second steamer (the _International_) were the proprietors of a
stage and express line to all parts of Minnesota. They extended their
line to Fort Garry, and soon established a profitable business.

From its organization in 1670, down to 1860, the Hudson Bay Company
sent its supplies, and received its furs in return, by way of the
Arctic Ocean and Hudson's Bay. There are only two months in the year
in which a ship can enter or leave Hudson's Bay. A ship sailing
from London in January, enters the Bay in August. When the cargo is
delivered at York Factory, at the mouth of Nelson's River, it is
too late in the season to send the goods to the great lakes of
Northwestern America, where the trading posts are located. In the
following May the goods are forwarded. They go by canoes where the
river is navigable, and are carried on the backs of men around the
frequent and sometimes long rapids. The journey requires three months.

The furs purchased with these goods cannot be sent to York Factory
until a year later, and another year passes away before they leave
Hudson's Bay. Thus, returns for a cargo were not received in London
until four years after its shipment from that port.

Since American enterprise took control of the carrying trade, goods
are sent from London to Fort Garry by way of New York and St. Paul,
and are only four months in transit. Four or five months will be
required to return a cargo of furs to London, making a saving of three
years over the old route. Stupid as our English cousin sometimes shows
himself, he cannot fail to perceive the advantages of the new route,
and has promptly embraced them. The people of Minnesota are becoming
well acquainted with the residents of the country on their northern
boundary. Many of the Northwestern politicians are studying the policy
of "annexation."

The settlement at Pembina, near Pembina Mountain, lies in Minnesota, a
few miles only from the international line. The settlers supposed they
were on British soil until the establishment of the boundary showed
them their mistake. Every year the settlement sends a train to
St. Paul, nearly seven hundred miles distant, to exchange its
buffalo-robes, furs, etc., for various articles of necessity that the
Pembina region does not produce. This annual train is made up of "Red
River carts"--vehicles that would be regarded with curiosity in New
York or Washington.

A Red River cart is about the size of a two-wheeled dray, and is
built entirely of wood--not a particle of iron entering into its
composition. It is propelled by a single ox or horse, generally the
former, driven by a half-breed native. Sometimes, though not usually,
the wheels are furnished with tires of rawhide, placed upon them when
green and shrunk closely in drying. Each cart carries about a thousand
pounds of freight, and the train will ordinarily make from fifteen to
twenty miles a day. It was estimated that five hundred of these carts
would visit St. Paul and St. Cloud in the autumn of 1863.

The settlements of which Fort Garry is the center are scattered for
several miles along the Red River of the North. They have schools,
churches, flouring and saw mills, and their houses are comfortably and
often luxuriously furnished. They have pianos imported from St. Paul,
and their principal church, has an organ. At St. Cloud I saw evidences
of extreme civilization on their way to Fort Garry. These were a
whisky-still, two sewing-machines, and a grain-reaper. No people can
remain in darkness after adopting these modern inventions.

The monopoly which the Hudson Bay Company formerly held, has ceased
to exist. Under its charter, granted by Charles II. in 1670, it had
exclusive control of all the country drained by Hudson's Bay. In
addition to its privilege of trade, it possessed the "right of eminent
domain" and the full political management of the country. Crime
in this territory was not punished by the officers of the British
Government, but by the courts and officers of the Company. All
settlements of farmers and artisans were discouraged, as it was
the desire of the Company to maintain the territory solely as a fur
preserve, from the Arctic Ocean to the United States boundary.

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