Camp Fire and Cotton Field by Thomas W. Knox

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Very soon after sending my reply, I was visited by the lady's factor.
A warm, though courteous, discussion transpired. The factor was a
Secessionist, and a firm believer in the human and divine right
of slavery. He was a man of polished exterior, and was, doubtless,
considered a specimen of the true Southern gentleman. In our talk on
the subject in dispute, I told him the Rebels had allowed the
negroes to fill their beds with cotton, and it was this cotton we had
purchased.

"The negroes had no right to sell it to you," said the factor;
"neither had you any right to purchase it."

"If it was given to them," I asked, "was it not theirs to sell?"

"Certainly not. The negroes own nothing, and can own nothing. Every
thing they have, the clothes they wear and the dishes they use,
belongs to their owners. When we 'give' any thing to a negro, we
merely allow it to remain in his custody, nothing more."

"But in this case," said I, "the gift was not made by the owner. The
cotton was to be destroyed by order of your Confederate Government.
That order took it from Mrs. B.'s possession. When the officer came to
burn the cotton, and gave a portion to the negroes to fill their beds,
he made no gift to Mrs. B."

"Certainly he did. The cotton became hers, when it was given to her
negroes. If you give any thing to one of my negroes, that article
becomes my property as much as if given to me."

"But how is it when a negro, by working nights or Saturdays, manages
to make something for himself?"

"That is just the same. Whatever he makes in that way belongs to his
master. Out of policy we allow him to keep it, but we manage to have
him expend it for his own good. The negro is the property of his
master, and can own nothing for himself."

"But in this case," I replied, "I have promised to pay the negroes for
the cotton. It would be unjust to them to fail to do so."

"You must not pay them any thing for it. Whatever you have promised
makes no difference. It is Mrs. B.'s property, not theirs. If you pay
them, you will violate all our customs, and establish a precedent very
bad for us and for yourself."

I assured the gentleman I should feel under obligation to deal justly
with the negroes, even at the expense of violating Southern precedent.
"You may not be aware," I remarked, "of the magnitude of the change in
the condition of the Southern negro during the two years just closed.
The difference of opinion between your people and ourselves is, no
doubt, an honest one. We shall be quite as persistent in pushing our
views at the present time as you have been in enforcing yours in the
past. We must try our theory, and wait for the result."

We separated most amiably, each hoping the other would eventually see
things in their true light. From present indications, the weight of
public opinion is on my side, and constantly growing stronger.

My sales having been made, and a quantity of plantation supplies
purchased, I was ready to return. It was with much difficulty that I
was able to procure permits from the Treasury agent at New Orleans to
enable me to ship my purchases. Before leaving Natchez, I procured all
the documents required by law. Natchez and New Orleans were not in the
same "district," and consequently there was much discord. For example,
the agent at Natchez gave me a certain document that I should exhibit
at New Orleans, and take with me on my return to Natchez. The agent
at New Orleans took possession of this document, and, on my
expostulating, said the agent at Natchez "had no right" to give me
instructions to retain it. He kept the paper, and I was left without
any defense against seizure of the goods I had in transit. They were
seized by a Government officer, but subsequently released. On my
arrival at Natchez, I narrated the occurrence to the Treasury agent at
that point. I was informed that the agent at New Orleans "could not"
take my papers from me, and I should not have allowed him to do so.

I was forcibly reminded of the case of the individual who was once
placed in the public stocks. On learning his offense, a lawyer told
him, "Why, Sir, they can't put you in the stocks for _that_."

"But they have."

"I tell you they can't do it."

"But, don't you see, they have."

"I tell you again they can't do any such thing."

In my own case, each Treasury agent declared the other "could not" do
the things which had been done. In consequence of the inharmony of
the "regulations," the most careful shipper would frequently find his
goods under seizure, from which they could generally be released
on payment of liberal fees and fines. I do not know there was any
collusion between the officials, but I could not rid myself of the
impression there was something rotten in Denmark. The invariable
result of these little quarrels was the plundering of the shippers.
The officials never suffered. Like the opposite sides of a pair of
shears, though cutting against each other, they only injured whatever
was between them.

Not a hundredth part of the official dishonesty at New Orleans and
other points along the Mississippi will ever be known. Enough has
been made public to condemn the whole system of permits and Treasury
restrictions. The Government took a wise course when it abolished,
soon after the suppression of the Rebellion, a large number of the
Treasury Agencies in the South. As they were managed during the last
two years of the war, these agencies proved little else than schools
of dishonesty. There may have been some honest men in those offices,
but they contrived to conceal their honesty.

To show the variety of charges which attach to a shipment of cotton,
I append the sellers' account for the three bales about which Mrs. B.
and myself had our little dispute. These bales were not sold with the
balance of our shipment. The cotton of which they were composed was of
very inferior quality.

_Account Sales of Three Bales of Cotton for Knox & Colburn._
By PARSLEY & WILLIAMS.
______________________________________________________________________
Mark, | 3 bales. || | || |
"K. C."| Weight, } 1,349 @..............|| $0 | 60 || $809 | 40
| 533--406--410 } || | || |
| Auctioneers' commission, 1 pr. ct.....|| 8 | 09 || |
| Sampling .............................|| | 30 || |
| Weighing .............................|| | 50 || |
| Watching..............................|| | 50 || |
| Tarpaulins ...........................|| | 50 || |
| Freight, $10 pr. bale ................|| 30 | 00 || |
| Insurance, $2.50 pr. bale ............|| 7 | 50 || |
| 4 c. pr. lb. (tax) on 1,349 lb .......|| 53 | 96 || |
| 1/2 c. " " " " ..........|| 6 | 74 || |
| Permit and stamps ....................|| | 65 || |
| Hospital fees, $5 pr. bale............|| 15 | 00 || |
| Factors' commission, 1 pr. ct.........|| 8 | 09 || |
| || -- | -- || 131 | 83
| || | || ---- | --
E.O.E. | Net proceeds......................|| | || $677 | 57
----------------------------------------------------------------------
NEW ORLEANS, La., _February 22_, 1864.

It will be seen by the above that the charges form an important
portion of the proceeds of a sale. The heaviest items are for
Government and hospital taxes. The latter was levied before the war,
but the former is one of the fruits of the Rebellion. It is likely to
endure for a considerable time.

I knew several cases in which the sales of cotton did not cover the
charges, but left a small bill to be paid by the owner. Frequently,
cotton that had been innocently purchased and sent to market
was seized by Government officials, on account of some alleged
informality, and placed in the public warehouses. The owner could get
no hearing until he made liberal presents of a pecuniary character to
the proper authorities.

After much delay and many bribes, the cotton would be released. New
charges would appear, and before a sale could be effected the whole
value of the cotton would be gone.

A person of my acquaintance was unfortunate enough to fall into the
hands of the Philistines in the manner I have described above. At the
end of the transaction he found himself a loser to the extent of three
hundred dollars. He has since been endeavoring to ascertain the amount
of traffic on a similar scale that would be needed to make him a
millionaire. At last accounts he had not succeeded in solving the
problem.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

SOME FEATURES OF PLANTATION LIFE.

Mysteries of Mule-trading.--"What's in a Name?"--Process of Stocking
a Plantation.--An Enterprising White Man.--Stratagem of a
Yankee.--Distributing Goods to the Negroes.--The Tastes of the
African.--Ethiopian Eloquence.--A Colored Overseer.--Guerrillas
Approaching.--Whisky _vs_. Guerrillas.--A Hint to Military Men.

On my return from New Orleans to the plantation, I found that Colburn
had been pushing our business with a rapidity and skill that secured
the admiration of everyone around us. He had increased our working
force, and purchased a goodly number of mules. We had seventeen plows
in operation, and two teams engaged in gathering corn, on the day
before my arrival. The "trash-gang" was busy, and other working
parties were occupied with their various duties. We were looking to a
brilliant future, and echoed the wish of Jefferson Davis, to be "let
alone."

The enterprise of a lessee at that time, and in that locality, was
illustrated by his ability to supply his plantation with mules. There
were many who failed in the effort, but my associate was not of the
number. There were but few mules in the Natchez market--not enough to
meet a tenth of the demand. Nearly every plantation had been stripped
of working animals by one army or the other. Before our arrival the
Rebels plundered all men suspected of lukewarmness in the cause. When
the National army obtained possession, it took nearly every thing
the Rebels had left. All property believed to belong to the Rebel
Government was passed into the hands of our quartermaster.

A planter, named Caleb Shields, had a large plantation near Natchez,
which had not been disturbed by the Rebels. His mules were branded
with the letters "C.S.," the initials of their owner. As these letters
happened to be the same that were used by the Confederate Government,
Mr. Shields found his mules promptly seized and "confiscated." Before
he could explain the matter and obtain an order for their return, his
animals were sent to Vicksburg and placed in the Government corral. If
the gentleman had possessed other initials, it is possible (though not
certain) he might have saved his stock.

Mules being very scarce, the lessees exercised their skill in
supplying themselves with those animals. On my first arrival at the
plantation, I took care to hire those negroes who were riding from the
interior, or, at all events, to purchase their animals. In one day I
obtained two horses and four mules. An order had been issued for the
confiscation of beasts of burden (or draught) brought inside the
lines by negroes. We obtained permission to purchase of these runaway
negroes whatever mules they would sell, provided we could make our
negotiations before they reached the military lines.

Immediately after my departure, Mr. Colburn stationed one of our men
on the road near our house, with orders to effect a trade with every
mounted negro on his way to Natchez. The plan was successful. From two
to a half-dozen mules were obtained daily. During the two weeks of my
absence nearly fifty mules were purchased, placing the plantation in
good order for active prosecution of our planting enterprise. At
the same time many lessees in our vicinity were unable to commence
operations, owing to their inability to obtain working stock.

The negroes discovered that the mule market was not well supplied, and
some of the more enterprising and dishonest sons of Ham endeavored
to profit by the situation. Frequently mules would be offered at
a suspiciously low price, with the explanation that the owner was
anxious to dispose of his property and return home. Some undertook
nocturnal expeditions, ten or twenty miles into the interior, where
they stole whatever mules they could find. A few of the lessees
suffered by the loss of stock, which was sold an hour after it was
stolen, and sometimes to the very party from whom it had been taken.
We took every care to avoid buying stolen property, but were sometimes
deceived.

On one occasion I purchased a mule of a negro who lived at Waterproof.
The purchase was made an hour before sunset, and the animal was stolen
during the night. On the following morning, Colburn bought it again
of the same party with whom I had effected my trade. After this
occurrence, we adopted the plan of branding each mule as soon as it
came into our hands. All the lessees did the same thing, and partially
protected each other against fraud.

White men were the worst mule-thieves, and generally instructed the
negroes in their villainy. There were several men in Natchez who
reduced mule-stealing to a science, and were as thoroughly skilled
in it as Charley Bates or the Artful Dodger in the science of picking
pockets. One of them had four or five white men and a dozen negroes
employed in bringing stock to market. I think he retired to St. Louis,
before the end of May, with ten or twelve thousand dollars as the
result of three months' industry.

Some of the lessees resorted to questionable methods for supplying
their plantations with the means for plowing and planting. One of
them occupied a plantation owned by a man who refused to allow his own
stock to be used. He wished to be neutral until the war was ended.

This owner had more than sixty fine mules, that were running loose in
the field. One day the lessee told the owner that he had purchased
a lot of mules at Natchez, and would bring them out soon. On the
following night, while the owner slept, the lessee called some trusty
negroes to his aid, caught seventeen mules from the field, sheared and
branded them, and placed them in a yard by themselves. In the morning
he called the owner to look at the "purchase."

"You have bought an excellent lot," said the latter individual. "Where
were they from?"

"All from St. Louis." was the response. "They were brought down two
days ago. I don't know what to do about turning them out. Do you
think, if I put them with yours, there is any danger of their
straying, on account of being on a strange place?"

"None at all. I think there is no risk."

The lessee took the risk, and expressed much delight to find that the
new mules showed themselves at home on the plantation.

Several days later the owner of the plantation discovered the loss
of his mules, but never suspected what had become of them. Two weeks
afterward, the Rebels came and asked him to designate the property of
the lessee, that they might remove it. He complied by pointing out
the seventeen mules, which the Rebels drove away, leaving the balance
unharmed.

I landed at the plantation one Sunday evening, with the goods I had
purchased in New Orleans. I was met with the unwelcome information
that the small force at Waterproof, after committing many depredations
on the surrounding country, had been withdrawn, leaving us exposed
to the tender mercies of the indignant chivalry. We were liable to
be visited at any moment. We knew the Rebels would not handle us very
tenderly, in view of what they had suffered from our own men. A party
of guerrillas was reported seven miles distant on the day previous,
and there was nothing to hinder their coming as near as they chose.

Accordingly, we determined to distribute the goods among the negroes
as early as possible. On Monday morning we commenced. There was some
delay, but we succeeded in starting a very lively trade before seven
o'clock.

Shoes were in great demand, as the negroes had not been supplied with
these articles for nearly three years. A hundred pairs were speedily
issued, when the balance was laid aside for future consideration.
There were some of the negroes whose feet were too large for any
shoes we had purchased. It was a curious fact that these large-footed
negroes were not above the ordinary stature. I remember one in
particular who demanded "thirteens," but who did not stand more than
five feet and five inches in his invisible stockings.

After the shoes, came the material for clothing. For the men we had
purchased "gray denims" and "Kentucky jeans;" for the women, "blue
denims" and common calico. These articles were rapidly taken, and with
them the necessary quantity of thread, buttons, etc. A supply of huge
bandana kerchiefs for the head was eagerly called for. I had procured
as many of these articles as I thought necessary for the entire number
of negroes on the plantation; but found I had sadly miscalculated. The
kerchiefs were large and very gaudy, and the African taste was at once
captivated by them. Instead of being satisfied with one or two, every
negro desired from six to a dozen, and was much disappointed at the
refusal. The gaudy colors of most of the calicoes created a great
demand, while a few pieces of more subdued appearance were wholly
discarded. White cotton cloth, palm-leaf hats, knives and forks, tin
plates, pans and dishes, and other articles for use or wear, were
among the distributions of the day.

Under the slave-owner's rule, the negro was entitled to nothing
beyond his subsistence and coarse clothing. Out of a large-hearted
generosity the master gave him various articles, amounting, in the
course of a year, to a few dollars in value. These articles took
the name of "presents," and their reception was designed to inspire
feelings of gratitude in the breast of the slave.

Most of the negroes understood that the new arrangements made an end
of present-giving. They were to be paid for all their labor, and were
to pay for whatever they received. When the plan was first announced,
all were pleased with it; but when we came to the distribution of the
goods, many of the negroes changed their views. They urged that the
clothing, and every thing else we had purchased, should be issued as
"presents," and that they should be paid for their labor in addition.
Whatever little advantages the old system might have, they wished to
retain and ingraft upon their new life. To be compensated for labor
was a condition of freedom which they joyfully accepted. To receive
"presents" was an apparent advantage of slavery which they did not
wish to set aside.

The matter was fully explained, and I am confident all our auditors
understood it. Those that remained obstinate had an eye to their
personal interests. Those who had been sick, idle, absent, or
disabled, were desirous of liberal gifts, while the industrious were
generally in favor of the new system, or made no special opposition to
it.

One negro, who had been in our employ two weeks, and whose whole labor
in that time was less than four days, thought he deserved a
hundred dollars' worth of presents, and compensation in money for
a fortnight's toil. All were inclined to value their services very
highly; but there were some whose moderation knew no bounds.

A difficulty arose on account of certain promises that had been
made to the negroes by the owner of the plantation, long before our
arrival. Mrs. B. had told them (according to their version) that the
proceeds of the cotton on the plantation should be distributed in the
form of presents, whenever a sale was effected. She did not inform us
of any such promise when we secured the lease of the plantation. If
she made any agreement to that effect, it was probably forgotten.
Those who claimed that this arrangement had been made desired liberal
presents in addition to payment for their labor. Our non-compliance
with this demand was acknowledged to be just, but it created
considerable disappointment.

One who had been her mistress's favorite argued the question with an
earnestness that attracted my attention. Though past sixty years of
age, she was straight as an arrow, and her walk resembled that of a
tragedy queen. In her whole features she was unlike those around her,
except in her complexion, which was black as ink. There was a clear,
silvery tone to her voice, such as I have rarely observed in persons
of her race. In pressing her claim, she grew wonderfully eloquent, and
would have elicited the admiration of an educated audience. Had there
been a school in that vicinity for the development of histrionic
talent in the negro race, I would have given that woman a
recommendation to its halls.

During my absence, Mr. Colburn employed an overseer on our smaller
plantation, and placed him in full charge of the work. This overseer
was a mulatto, who had been fifteen years the manager of a large
plantation about seven miles distant from ours. In voice and manner he
was a white man, but his complexion and hair were those of the subject
race. There was nothing about the plantation which he could not master
in every point. Without being severe, he was able to accomplish all
that had been done under the old system. He imitated the customs of
the white man as much as possible, and it was his particular ambition
to rank above those of his own color. As an overseer he was fully
competent to take charge of any plantation in that locality. During
all my stay in the South, I did not meet a white overseer whom I
considered the professional equal of this negro.

"Richmond" was the name to which our new assistant answered. His
master had prevented his learning to read, but allowed him to acquire
sufficient knowledge of figures to record the weight of cotton in the
field. Richmond could mark upon the slate all round numbers between
one hundred and four hundred; beyond this he was never able to go. He
could neither add nor subtract, nor could he write a single letter of
the alphabet. He was able, however, to write his own name very badly,
having copied it from a pass written by his master. He had possessed
himself of a book, and, with the help of one of our negroes who
knew the alphabet, he was learning to read. His house was a model
of neatness. I regret to say that he was somewhat tyrannical when
superintending the affairs of his domicile.

As the day of our distribution of goods was a stormy one, Richmond was
called from the plantation to assist us. Under his assistance we were
progressing fairly, interrupted occasionally by various causes of
delay. Less than half the valuable articles were distributed, when our
watches told us it was noon. Just as we were discussing the propriety
of an adjournment for dinner, an announcement was made that banished
all thoughts of the mid-day meal.

One of our boys had been permitted to visit Waterproof during the
forenoon. He returned, somewhat breathless, and his first words
dropped like a shell among the assembled negroes:

"_The Rebels are in Waterproof_."

"How do you know?"

"I saw them there, and asked a lady what they were. She said they were
Harrison's Rebels."

We told the negroes to go to their quarters. Richmond mounted his
horse and rode off toward the plantation of which he had charge. In
two minutes, there was not a negro in the yard, with the exception of
the house-servants. Our goods were lying exposed. We threw some of the
most valuable articles into an obscure closet.

At the first alarm we ordered our horses brought out. When the animals
appeared we desisted from our work.

"The Rebels are coming down the road," was the next bulletin from the
front.

We sprang upon our horses and rode a hundred yards along the front of
our "quarter-lot," to a point where we could look up the road toward
Waterproof. There they were, sure enough, thirty or more mounted men,
advancing at a slow trot. They were about half a mile distant, and,
had we been well mounted, there was no doubt of our easy escape.

"Now comes the race," said Colburn. "Twenty miles to Natchez. A single
heat, with animals to go at will."

We turned our horses in the direction of Natchez.

"Stop," said I, as we reached the house again. "They did not see us,
and have not quickened their pace. Strategy, my boy, may assist us a
little."

Throwing my bridle into Colburn's hand, I slid from my saddle and
bounded into the dwelling. It was the work of a moment to bring out
a jug and a glass tumbler, but I was delayed longer than I wished
in finding the key of our closet. The jug contained five gallons of
excellent whisky (so pronounced by my friends), and would have been a
valuable prize in any portion of the Confederacy.

Placing the jug and tumbler side by side on the veranda, in full view
from the road, I remounted, just as the Rebels reached the corner of
our quarter-lot.

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