History of Rome, Vol III by Titus Livius

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24. While the naval forces were thus employed, the consul, having
encamped before Elatia, in Phocis, first endeavoured, by conferring
with the principal inhabitants, to bring them over, and by their means
to effect his purpose; but on their answering that they had nothing in
their power, because the king's troops were more numerous and stronger
than the townsmen, he assaulted the city on all sides at once with
arms and engines. A battering-ram having been brought up, shattered
a part of the wall that reached from one tower to another, and this
falling with a prodigious noise and crash, left much of the town
exposed. On this a Roman cohort made an assault through the breach,
while at the same time the townsmen, quitting their several posts,
ran together from all parts to the place, which was endangered by the
attack of the enemy. At the same time others of the Romans climbed
over the ruins of the wall, and brought up scaling-ladders to the
parts that were standing. As the conflict attracted the eyes and
attention of the enemy to one particular spot, the walls were scaled
in several places, by which means the soldiers easily entered the
town. The noise and tumult which ensued so terrified the enemy, that
quitting the place, which they had crowded together to defend,
they all fled in panic to the citadel, accompanied by the unarmed
multitude. The consul having thus become master of the town, gave
it up to be plundered, and then sent messengers into the citadel,
offering the king's troops their lives, on condition of their laying
down their arms, and departing. To the Elatians he offered their
liberty; which terms being agreed to, in a few days after he got
possession of the citadel.

25. In consequence of Philocles, the king's general, coming into
Achaia, not only Corinth was delivered from the siege, but the city
of Argos was betrayed into his hands by some of the principal
inhabitants, after they had first sounded the minds of the populace.
They had a custom, that, on the first day of assembly, their praetors,
for the omen's sake, should pronounce the names, Jupiter, Apollo, and
Hercules; in addition to which, a rule had been made, that, along with
these they should join the name of king Philip. After the conclusion
of the alliance with the Romans, the herald did not make that
addition; on which a murmur spread through the multitude, who would
add the name of Philip, and insisting that the respect, due by law,
should be paid as before; until at length the name was given out
amidst universal approbation. On the encouragement afforded by this
favourable disposition, Philocles was invited, who seized in the night
a strong post called Larissa, seated on a hill which overhangs the
city, and in which he placed a garrison. At the dawn of day, however,
and as he was proceeding in order of battle to the forum, at the foot
of the hill he was met by a line of troops, drawn up to oppose him.
This was a body of Achaeans, lately posted there, consisting of
about five hundred young men, selected out of all the states. Their
commander was Aenesidemus, of Dymae. The king's general sent a person
to recommend to them to evacuate the city, because they were not a
match for the townsmen alone, who held the same sentiments as the
Macedonians; much less when these were joined by the Macedonians, whom
even the Romans had not withstood at Corinth. This at first had no
effect, either on the commander, or his men: and when they, soon
after, perceived the Argives also in arms, coming, in a great
body, from the opposite side, perceiving that their destruction was
inevitable, they yet seemed determined to run every hazard, if their
leader would persevere. But Aenesidemus, unwilling that the flower of
the Achaean youth should be lost, together with the city, made terms
with Philocles, that they should have liberty to retire, while himself
remained armed with a few of his dependents, in the position which he
had occupied. To a person sent by Philocles to inquire what he meant,
he only answered, standing with his shield held out before him,
that he meant to die in arms in defence of the city intrusted to his
charge. Philocles then ordered some Thracians to throw their javelins
at him and his attendants; and they were all put to death. Thus,
notwithstanding the alliance concluded by the Achaeans with the
Romans, two of their cities, and those of the greatest consequence,
Argos and Corinth, were still in the hands of Philip. Such were the
services performed during that summer by the land and sea forces of
Rome employed in Greece.

26. In Gaul, the consul Sextus Aelius did nothing worth mention,
though he had two armies in the province: one, which he had retained
under their standards, although it ought to have been disbanded; and
of this, which had served under Lucius Cornelius, proconsul, he had
given the command to Caius Helvius, the praetor: the other he had
brought with him into the province. He spent nearly the whole summer
in compelling the people of Cremona and Placentia to return to their
colonies, from whence they had been driven to various places by the
calamities of war. While Gaul, beyond expectation, remained quiet
through the whole year, an insurrection of the slaves was very near
taking place in the neighbourhood of the city. The hostages, given
by the Carthaginians, were kept in custody at Setia: as they were
the children of the principal families, they were attended by a great
multitude of slaves; to this number many were added, in consequence
of the late African war, and by the Setians themselves having bought,
from among the spoil, several of those which had been captured. Having
conspired together, they sent some of their number to engage in the
cause the slaves of the country round Setia, and then those at Norba
and Circeii. When every thing was fully prepared, they determined,
during the games which were soon to be solemnized at the
first-mentioned place, to attack the people while intent on the
show, and when Setia had been taken in the midst of the slaughter and
unexpected turmoil, then to seize on Norba and Circeii. Information of
this atrocious plot was brought to Rome, to Lucius Cornelius Merula,
the city praetor. Two slaves came to him before daylight, and
disclosed to him in order the whole proceedings and intentions of
the conspirators. The praetor, ordering them to be guarded in his own
house, summoned a meeting of the senate; and having laid before them
the information of the discoverers, he was ordered to go himself to
the spot, and examine into and crush the conspiracy. Setting out,
accordingly, with five lieutenant-generals, he compelled such as he
found in the country to take the military oath, to arm, and follow
him. Having by this tumultuary kind of levy armed about two thousand
men, while all were ignorant of his destination, he came to Setia.
There the leaders of the conspiracy were instantly apprehended; on
which, the remainder fled from the city; but parties were sent through
the country to search them out. The services of the two who made the
discovery, and of one free person employed, were highly meritorious.
The senate ordered a present to the latter of a hundred thousand
_asses_;[1] to the slaves, twenty-five thousand _asses_[2] each, and
their freedom. The price was paid to their owners out of the treasury.
Not long after, intelligence was received, that other slaves,
belonging to the remains of the conspiracy, had formed a design of
seizing Praeneste. The praetor, Lucius Cornelius, went thither, and
inflicted punishment on near five hundred persons concerned in
that wicked scheme. The public were under apprehensions that the
Carthaginian hostages and prisoners fomented these plots: watches
were, therefore, kept at Rome in all the streets, which the inferior
magistrates were ordered to go round and inspect; while the triumvirs
of the prison, called the Quarry, were to keep a stricter guard than
usual. Circular letters were also sent by the praetor to all the Latin
states, directing that the hostages should be confined within doors,
and not at any time allowed the liberty of going into public; and that
the prisoners should be kept bound with fetters, of not less than
ten pounds weight, and confined in no other place of custody than the
common jail.

[Footnote 1: 322l. 18s. 4d.]

[Footnote 2: 80l. 14s. 7d.]

27. In this year, ambassadors from king Attalus made an offering, in
the Capitol, of a golden crown of two hundred and fifty-six pounds'
weight, and returned thanks to the senate, because Antiochus,
influenced by the authority of the Romans, had withdrawn his troops
out of the territories of Attalus. During the same summer, two hundred
horsemen, ten elephants, and two hundred thousand pecks of wheat,
arrived from king Masinissa for the army in Greece. From Sicily also,
and Sardinia, large supplies of provisions were sent, with clothing
for the troops. Sicily was then governed by Marcus Marcellus, Sardinia
by Marcus Porcius Cato, a man of acknowledged integrity and purity
of conduct, but deemed too severe in punishing usury. He drove the
usurers entirely out of the island; and restricted or abolished the
contributions, usually paid by the allies, for maintaining the dignity
of the praetors. The consul, Sextus Aelius, coming home from Gaul to
Rome to hold the elections, elected consuls, Caius Cornelius Cethegus
and Quintus Minucius Rufus. Two days after was held the election
of praetors; and this year, for the first time, six praetors were
appointed, in consequence of the increase of the provinces, and the
extension of the bounds of the empire. The persons elected were,
Lucius Manlius Vulso, Caius Sempronius Tuditanus, Marcus Sergius
Silus, Marcus Helvius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Lucius Atilius. Of
these Sempronius and Helvius were, at the time, plebeian aediles. The
curule aediles were Quintus Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius
Longus. The Roman games were four times repeated during this year.

28. On Caius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius becoming consuls, the
first business of all was the arrangement of the provinces of the
consuls and praetors. Those of the praetors were the first settled,
because that could be transacted by the lots. The city jurisdiction
fell to Sergius; the foreign to Minucius; Atilius obtained Sardinia;
Manlius, Sicily; Sempronius, the Hither Spain; and Helvius, the
Farther. When the consuls were preparing to cast lots for Italy and
Macedonia, Lucius Oppius and Quintus Fulvius, plebeian tribunes, stood
in their way, alleging, that "Macedonia was a very distant province,
and that the principal cause which had hitherto retarded the progress
of the war, was, that when it was scarcely entered upon, and just at
the commencement of operations, the former consul was always recalled.
This was the fourth year since the declaration of war against
Macedonia. The greater part of one year Sulpicius spent in seeking the
king and his army; Villius, on the point of engaging the enemy, was
recalled without any thing having been done. Quinctius was detained
at Rome, for the greater part of his year, by business respecting
religion; nevertheless, he had so conducted affairs, that had he come
earlier into the province, or had the cold season been at a greater
distance, he might have put an end to hostilities. He was then just
going into winter quarters; but, it was stated that he had brought the
war into such a state, that if he were not prevented by a intercessor,
he seemed likely to complete it in the course of the ensuing summer."
By such arguments the tribunes so far prevailed, that the consuls
declared that they would abide by the directions of the senate, if the
tribunes would agree to do the same. Both parties having, accordingly,
left the consultation perfectly free, a decree was passed, appointing
the two consuls to the government of the province of Italy. Titus
Quinctius was continued in command, until a successor should accede
by a decree of the senate. To each, two legions were decreed; and
they were ordered, with these, to carry on the war with the Cisalpine
Gauls, who had revolted from the Romans. A reinforcement of five
thousand foot and three hundred horse was ordered to be sent into
Macedonia to Quinctius, together with three thousand seamen. Lucius
Quinctius Flamininus was continued in the command of the fleet. To
each of the praetors for the two Spains were granted eight thousand
foot, of the allies and Latins, and four hundred horse; so that they
might discharge the veteran troops in their provinces. They were
further directed to fix the bounds which should divide the hither from
the farther province. Two additional lieutenant-generals were sent to
the army in Macedonia, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had
been consuls in that province.

29. It was thought necessary, that before the consuls and praetors
went abroad, some prodigies should be expiated. For the temples of
Vulcan and Summanus,[1] at Rome, and a wall and a gate at Fregellae,
had been struck by lightning. At Frusino, light had shone forth during
the night. At Asculum, a lamb had been born with two heads and five
feet. At Formiae, two wolves entering the town had torn several
persons who fell in their way; and, at Rome, a wolf had made its way,
not only into the city, but into the Capitol. Caius Acilius, plebeian
tribune, caused an order to be passed, that five colonies should be
led out to the sea-coast; two to the mouths of the rivers Vulturnus
and Liternus; one to Puteoli and one to the fort of Salernum. To these
was added Buxentum. To each colony three hundred families were ordered
to be sent. The commissioners appointed to conduct them thither, and
who were to hold the office for three years, were Marcus Servilius
Geminus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus. As
soon as the levies, and such other business, religious and civil, as
required their personal attendance, was finished, both the consuls set
out for Gaul. Cornelius took the direct road towards the Insubrians,
who were then in arms, and had been joined by the Caenomanians.
Quintus Minucius turned his route to the left side of Italy, and
leading away his army to the lower sea, to Genoa, opened the campaign
with an invasion of Liguria. Two towns, Clastidium and Litubium, both
belonging to the Ligurians, and two states of the same nation, Celela
and Cerdicium, surrendered to him. And now, all the states on this
side of the Po, except the Boians among the Gauls and the Ilvatians
among the Ligurians, were reduced to submission: no less, it is said,
than fifteen towns and twenty thousand men surrendered themselves. He
then led his legions into the territory of the Boians.

[Footnote 1: Pluto, Summus Mamum.]

30. The Boian army had, not very long before, crossed the Po and
joined the Insubrians and Caenomanians; for, having heard that the
consuls intended to act with their forces united, they wished to
increase their own strength by this junction. But when information
reached them that one of the consuls was ravaging the country of the
Boians, a dispute instantly arose. The Boians demanded, that all, in
conjunction, should carry succour to those who were attacked; while
the Insubrians positively refused to leave their country defenceless.
In consequence of this dissension, the armies separated; the Boians
went to defend their own territory, and the Insubrians, with the
Caenomanians, encamped on the banks of the river Mincius. About five
miles below this spot, the consul Cornelius pitched his camp close
to the same river. Sending emissaries hence into the villages of the
Caenomanians, and to Brixia, the capital of their tribe, he learned
with certainty that their young men had taken arms without the
approbation of the elders; and that the Caenomanians had not joined
in the revolt of the Insubrians by any public authority. On which
he invited to him the principal of the natives, and endeavoured to
contrive and concert with them that the Caenomanians should separate
from the Insubrians; and either march away and return home, or come
over to the side of the Romans. This he was not able to effect; but
so far, he received solemn assurances that, in case of a battle, they
would either stand inactive, or, should any occasion offer, would even
assist the Romans. The Insubrians knew not that such an agreement
had been concluded, but they harboured in their minds some kind of
suspicion, that the fidelity of their confederates was wavering.
Wherefore, in forming their troops for battle, not daring to intrust
either wing to them, lest, if they should treacherously give ground,
they might cause a total defeat, they placed them in reserve behind
the line. At the beginning of the fight, the consul vowed a temple to
Juno Sospita, provided the enemy should, on that day, be routed
and driven from the field; on which the soldiers raised a shout,
declaring, that they would insure to their commander the completion
of his vow, and at the same time an attack was made on the enemy. The
Insubrians did not stand even the first onset. Some writers affirm,
that the Caenomanians, falling on their rear during the heat of the
engagement, caused as much disorder there as prevailed in their front:
and that, thus assailed on both sides, thirty-five thousand of them
were slain, five thousand seven hundred taken prisoners, among whom
was Hamilcar, a Carthaginian general, who had been the cause of the
war; and that a hundred and thirty military standards and above two
hundred waggons were taken. On this, the towns of the Gauls, which had
joined in the revolt of the Insubrians, surrendered to the Romans.

31. The other consul, Minucius, had at first traversed the territories
of the Boians, with wide-spread ravaging parties; but afterwards, when
that people left the Insubrians, and came home to defend their own
property, he kept his men within their camp, expecting to come to a
regular engagement with the enemy. Nor would the Boians have declined
a battle, if their spirits had not been depressed by hearing of the
defeat of the Insubrians. Upon this, deserting their commander and
their camp, they dispersed themselves through the several towns, each
wishing to take care of his own effects. Thus they changed the enemy's
method of carrying on the war: for, no longer hoping to decide the
matter by a single battle, he began again to lay waste the lands,
burn the houses, and storm the villages. At this time, Clastidium
was burned, and the legions were led thence against the Ilvatian
Ligurians, who alone refused to submit. That state, also, on learning
that the Insubrians had been defeated in battle, and the Boians so
terrified that they had not dared to try the fortune of an engagement,
made a submission. Letters from the consuls, containing accounts
of their successes, came from Gaul to Rome at the same time. Marcus
Sergius, city praetor, read them in the senate, and afterwards, by
direction of the fathers, in an assembly of the people; on which a
supplication, of four days' continuance, was decreed.

32. It was by this time winter; and while Titus Quinctius, after the
reduction of Elatia, had his winter quarters distributed in Phocis and
Locris, a violent dissension broke out at Opus. One faction invited
to their assistance the Aetolians who were nearest at hand; the other,
the Romans. The Aetolians arrived first; but the other party, which
was the more powerful, refused them admittance, and, despatching a
courier to the Roman general, held the city until his arrival. The
citadel was possessed by a garrison belonging to the king, and they
could not be prevailed on to retire from thence, either by the threats
of the people of Opus, or by the authority of the Roman consul's
commands. What prevented their being immediately attacked was, the
arrival of an envoy from the king, to solicit the appointing of a time
and place for a conference. This was granted to the king with great
reluctance; not that Quinctius did not wish to see war concluded under
his own auspices, partly by arms, and partly by negotiation: for he
knew not, yet, whether one of the new consuls would be sent out as his
successor, or whether he should be continued in the command; a point
which he had charged his friends and relations to labour for with
all their might. But he thought that a conference would answer this
purpose; that it would put it in his power to give matters a turn
towards war, in case he remained in the province, or towards peace,
if he were to be removed. They chose for the meeting a part of the
sea-shore, in the Malian gulf, near Nicaea. Thither Philip came from
Demetrias, with five barks and one ship of war: he was accompanied by
some principal Macedonians, and an Achaean exile, name Cycliades, a
man of considerable note. With the Roman general, were king Amynander,
Dionysidorus, ambassador from king Attalus, Agesimbrotus, commander
of the Rhodian fleet, Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, and two
Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon. Attended by these, the Roman
general advanced to the brink of the shore, when the king had come
forward to the prow of his vessel, as it lay at anchor; and said, "If
you will come on the shore, we shall mutually speak and hear with
more convenience." This the king refused; and on Quinctius asking him,
"Whom do you fear?" With the haughty spirit of royalty, he replied,
"Fear I have none, but of the immortal gods; but I have no confidence
in the faith of those whom I see about you, and least of all in the
Aetolians." "That danger," said the Roman, "is equal to all in common
who confer with an enemy, if no confidence subsists." "But, Titus
Quinctius," replied the king, "if treachery be intended, the prizes of
perfidy are not equal, namely, Philip and Phaeneas. For it will not
be so difficult for the Aetolians to find another praetor, as for the
Macedonians to find another king in my place."--Silence then ensued.

33. The Roman expected that he who solicited the conference should
open it; and the king thought that he who was to prescribe, not he who
received, terms of peace, ought to begin the conference. At length the
Roman said, that "his discourse should be very simple; for he
would only mention those articles, without which there could be no
conditions of peace. These were, that the king should withdraw his
garrisons from all the cities of Greece. That he should deliver up
to the allies of the Roman people the prisoners and deserters; should
restore to the Romans those places in Illyricum of which he had
possessed himself by force, since the peace concluded in Epirus; and
to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, the cities which he had seized since the
death of Ptolemy Philopater." These were the terms which he required,
on behalf of himself and the Roman people: but it was proper that the
demands of the allies, also, should be heard. The ambassador of king
Attalus demanded "restitution of the ships and prisoners taken in
the sea-fight at Cius; and that Nicephorium, and the temple of Venus,
which Philip had pillaged and defaced, should be restored as though
they had not been injured." The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, a tract
on the continent, lying opposite to their island, which from early
times had been under their jurisdiction; and they required that "the
garrisons should be withdrawn from Tassus, Bargylii, and Euroma, and
from Sestus and Abydos on the Hellespont; that Perinthus should be
restored to the Byzantians, in right of their ancient title, and
that all the sea-port towns and harbours of Asia should be free."
The Achaeans demanded the restoration of Corinth and Argos. Phaeneas
nearly repeated the demands made by the Romans, that the troops should
withdraw out of Greece, and the Aetolians be put in possession of the
cities which had formerly been under their dominion. He was followed
by Alexander, a man of eminence among the Aetolians, and, considering
his country, not uneloquent. He said, that "he had long kept silence,
not because he expected that any business would be effected in that
conference, but because he was unwilling to interrupt any of the
allies in their discourse." He asserted, that "Philip was neither
treating for peace with sincerity; and that he had never waged war
with true courage, at any time: that in negotiating, he was insidious
and fradulent; while in war he never fought on equal ground, nor
engaged in regular battles; but, skulking about, burned and pillaged
towns, and, when worsted, destroyed the prizes of victory. But not in
that manner did the ancient kings of Macedon behave; they decided the
fate of the war in the field, and spared the towns as far as they were
able, in order to possess the more opulent empire. For what sort of
conduct was it, to destroy the objects for the possession of which the
contest was waged, and thereby leave nothing to himself but fighting?
Philip had, in the last year, desolated more cities of his allies
in Thessaly, than all the enemies that Thessaly ever had. On the
Aetolians themselves he had made greater depredations, when he was in
alliance with them, than since he became their enemy. He had seized
on Lysimachia, after dislodging the praetor and garrison of the
Aetolians. Cius also, a city belonging to their government, he razed
from the foundation. With the same injustice he held possession of
Thebes in Phthiotis, of Echinus, Larissa, and Pharsalus."