History of Rome, Vol III by Titus Livius

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7. "Shall, then, every other class of people, every individual, feel
the improvement in the condition of the state; and shall our wives
alone reap none of the fruits of the public peace and tranquillity?
Shall we men have the use of purple, wearing the purple-bordered gown
in magistracies and priests' offices? Shall our children wear gowns
bordered with purple? Shall we allow the privilege of wearing the toga
praetexta to the magistrates of the colonies and borough towns, and
to the very lowest of them here at Rome, the superintendents of the
streets; and not only of wearing such an ornament of distinction while
alive, but of being buried with it when dead; and shall we interdict
the use of purple to women alone? And when you, the husband, may wear
purple in your great coat, will you not suffer your wife to have a
purple mantle? Shall your horse be more splendidly caparisoned than
your wife is clothed? But with respect to purple, which will be worn
out and consumed, I can see an unjust, indeed, but still a sort of
reason, for parsimony; but with respect to gold, in which, excepting
the price of the workmanship, there is no waste, what objection can
there be? It rather serves as a reserve fund for both public and
private exigencies, as you have already experienced. He says there
will be no emulation between individuals, when no one is possessed
of it. But, in truth, it will be a source of grief and indignation to
all, when they see those ornaments allowed to the wives of the Latin
confederates of which they themselves have been deprived; when they
see those riding through the city in their carriages, and decorated
with gold and purple, while they are obliged to follow on foot, as
if the seat of empire were in the country of the others, not in their
own. This would hurt the feelings even of men, and what do you think
must be its effect on those of weak women, whom even trifles can
disturb? Neither offices of state, nor of the priesthood, nor
triumphs, nor badges of distinction, nor military presents, nor
spoils, can fall to their share. Elegance of appearance, and
ornaments, and dress, these are the women's badges of distinction; in
these they delight and glory; these our ancestors called the women's
world. What else do they lay aside when in mourning, except their gold
and purple? And what else do they resume when the mourning is over?
How do they distinguish themselves on occasion of public thanksgivings
and supplications, but by adding unusual splendour of dress? But then,
(it may be said,) if you repeal the Oppian law, should you choose to
prohibit any of those particulars which the law at present prohibits,
you will not have it in your power; your daughters, wives, and even
the sisters of some, will be less under control. The bondage of
women is never shaken off without the loss of their friends; and they
themselves look with horror on that freedom which is purchased with
the condition of the widow or the orphan. Their wish is, that their
dress should be under your regulation, not under that of the law; and
it ought to be your wish to hold them in control and guardianship, not
in bondage; and to prefer the title of father or husband to that of
master. The consul just now made use of some invidious terms, calling
it a female sedition and secession; because, I suppose, there is
danger of their seizing the sacred mount, as formerly the angry
plebeians did; or the Aventine. Their feeble nature must submit
to whatever you think proper to enjoin; and, the greater power you
possess, the more moderate ought you to be in the exercise of your
authority."

8. Although all these considerations had been urged against the motion
and in its favour, the women next day poured out into public in much
greater numbers, and in a body beset the doors of the tribunes who had
protested against the measure of their colleagues; nor did they retire
until this intervention was withdrawn. There was then no further doubt
but that every one of the tribes would vote for the repeal of the law.
Thus was this law annulled, in the twentieth year after it had
been made. The consul Marcus Porcius, as soon as the Oppian law was
abolished, sailed immediately, with twenty-five ships of war, of which
five belonged to the allies, to the port of Luna, where he ordered the
troops to assemble; and having sent an edict along the sea-coast, to
collect ships of every description, at his departure from Luna he left
orders that they should follow him to the harbour of Pyrenaeus, as
he intended to proceed thence against the enemy with his collective
fleet. They accordingly, after sailing by the Ligurian mountains and
the Gallic bay, congregated together on the day appointed. From thence
they went to Rhoda, and forcibly dislodged a garrison of Spaniards
that were in that fortress. From Rhoda they proceeded with a
favourable wind to Emporiae, and there landed all the forces,
excepting the crews of the ships.

9. At that time, as at present, Emporiae consisted of two towns,
separated by a wall. One was inhabited by Greeks from Phocaea, whence
the Massilians also derive their origin; the other by Spaniards. The
Greek town, being open towards the sea, had but a small extent of
wall, not above four hundred paces in circuit; but the Spanish town,
being farther back from the sea, had a wall three thousand paces in
circumference. A third kind of inhabitants was added by the deified
Caesar settling a Roman colony there, after the final defeat of the
sons of Pompey. At present they are all incorporated in one mass; the
Spaniards first, and, at length, the Greeks; having been adopted
into the Roman citizenship. Whoever had, at that period, observed the
Greeks exposed on one side to the open sea, and on the other to the
Spaniards, a fierce and warlike race, would have wondered by what
cause they were preserved. Deficient in strength, they guarded against
danger by regular discipline; of which, among even more powerful
people, the best preservative is fear. That part of the wall which
faced the country, they kept strongly fortified, having but one gate,
at which some one of the magistrates was continually on guard. During
the night, a third part of the citizens kept watch on the walls,
posting their watches, and going their rounds, not merely from the
force of custom, or in compliance with the law, but with as much
vigilance as if an enemy were at their gates. They never admitted
any Spaniard into the city, nor did they go outside the walls without
precaution. The passage to the sea was open to every one: but, through
the gate, next to the Spanish town, none ever passed, but in a large
body; these were generally the third division, which had watched on
the walls the preceding night. The cause of their going out was this:
the Spaniards, ignorant of maritime affairs, were fond of trafficking
with them, and glad of an opportunity of purchasing, for their own
use, the foreign goods, which the others imported in their ships; and,
at the same time, of finding a market for the produce of their lands.
The desire of this mutual intercourse caused the Spanish town to be
freely open to the Greeks. They were thus the more protected as being
sheltered under the friendship of the Romans, which they cultivated
with as much cordial zeal, though not possessed of equal resources,
as the Massilians. On this account they received the consul, and his
army, with kindness and cordiality. Cato staid there a few days, until
he could learn what force the enemy had, and where they lay; and, not
to be idle during even that short delay, he spent the whole time in
exercising his men. It happened to be the season of the year when
the Spaniards had the corn in their barns. He therefore ordered
the purveyors not to purchase any corn, and sent them home to Rome,
saying, that the war would maintain itself. Then, setting out from
Emporiae, he laid waste the lands of the enemy with fire and sword,
spreading terror and flight through the whole country.

10. At the same time, as Marcus Helvius was going home from Farther
Spain, with an escort of six thousand men, given him by the praetor,
Appius Claudius, the Celtiberians, with a very numerous force, met
him near the city of Illiturgi. Valerius says, that they had twenty
thousand effective men; that twelve thousand of them were killed, the
town of Illiturgi taken, and all the adult males put to the sword.
Helvius, soon after, arrived at the camp of Cato; and as the region
was now free from enemies, he sent back the escort to Farther Spain,
and proceeded to Rome, where, on account of his successful services,
he entered the city with an ovation. He carried into the treasury, of
silver bullion, fourteen thousand pounds' weight; of coined, seventeen
thousand and twenty-three denarii;[1] and Oscan[2] denarii, one
hundred and twenty thousand four hundred and thirty-eight.[3] The
reason for which the senate refused him a triumph was, because he
fought under the auspices, and in the province, of another. He had
returned, moreover, two years after the expiration of his office,
because after he had resigned the government of the province to
Quintus Minucius, he was detained there during the succeeding year,
by a severe and tedious sickness he therefore entered the city in
ovation, only two months before his successor, Quintus Minucius,
enjoyed a triumph. The latter also brought into the treasury
thirty-four thousand eight hundred pounds' weight of silver,
seventy-eight thousand denarii,[4] and of Oscan denarii two hundred
and seventy-eight thousand.[5]

[Footnote 1: 549l. 14s.]

[Footnote 2: Osca, now Huesca, was a city in Spain, remarkable for
silver mine near it.]

[Footnote 3: 659l. 11s. 9-1/2d.]

[Footnote 4: 2430l. 11s. 3d.]

[Footnote 5: 8889l. 6s. 9d.]

11. Meanwhile, in Spain, the consul lay encamped at a small distance
from Emporiae. Thither came three ambassadors from Bilistages,
chieftain of the Ilergetians, one of whom was his son, representing,
that "their fortresses were besieged and that they had no hopes
of being able to hold out, unless the Roman troops came to their
assistance. Three thousand men," they said, "would be sufficient;" and
they added, that, "if such a force came to their aid, the enemy would
not keep their ground." To this the consul answered, that "he was
truly concerned for their danger and their fears; but that he had by
no means so great an amount of forces, as that, while there lay in his
neighbourhood such a powerful force of the enemy, with whom he daily
expected a general engagement, he could safely diminish his strength
by dividing his troops." The ambassadors, on hearing this, threw
themselves at the consul's feet, and with tears conjured him "not
to forsake them at such a perilous juncture. For, if rejected by the
Romans, to whom could they apply? They had no other allies, no other
hope on earth. They might have escaped the present hazard, if they had
consented to forfeit their faith, and to conspire with the rest; but
no menaces, no appearances of danger, had been able to shake their
constancy, because they hoped to find in the Romans abundant succour
and support. If there was no further prospect of this, if it was
refused them by the consul, they called gods and men to witness, that
reluctantly and under compulsion they must change sides, to avoid such
sufferings as the Saguntines had undergone; and that they would perish
together with the other states of Spain, rather than alone."

12. They were thus dismissed on that day without any positive answer.
During the following night, the consul's thoughts were greatly
perplexed and divided. He was unwilling to abandon these allies, yet
equally so to diminish his army, which might either oblige him to
decline a battle, or occasion danger in an engagement. He was firmly
resolved, however, not to lessen his forces, lest he should in the
mean time suffer some disgrace from the enemy; and therefore he
judged it expedient, instead of real succour, to hold out hopes to the
allies. For he considered that, in many cases, but especially in war,
mere appearances have had all the effect of realities; and that
a person, under a firm persuasion that he can command resources,
virtually has them; that by that very confidence he was insured in his
hopes and efforts. Next day he told the ambassadors, that "although
he was afraid to lend a part of his forces to others, and so to weaken
his own, yet that he was giving more attention to their circumstances
and danger than to his own." He then gave orders to the third part
of the soldiers of every cohort, to make haste and prepare victuals,
which they were to carry with them on board ships, and that the
vessels should be got in readiness against the third day. He desired
two of the ambassadors to carry an account of these proceedings to
Bilistages and the Ilergetians; but, by kind treatment and presents,
he prevailed on the chieftain's son to remain with him. The
ambassadors did not leave the place until they saw the troops embarked
on board the ships; then reporting this at home as a matter of
certainty, they spread, not only among their own people, but likewise
among the enemy, a confident assurance of the approach of Roman
succours.

13. The consul, when a specious appearance had been sufficiently
exhibited, ordered the soldiers to be recalled from the ships; and, as
the season of the year now approached when it would be proper to enter
on action, he pitched a winter camp at the distance of three miles
from Emporiae. From this post he frequently led out his troops to
ravage the enemy's country; sometimes to one quarter, sometimes to
another, as opportunity offered, leaving only a small guard in the
camp. They generally began their march in the night, that they might
proceed as far as possible from the camp, and surprise the enemy
unawares; and this practice disciplined the new-raised soldiers, and
great numbers of the enemy were cut off; so that they no longer dared
to venture beyond the walls of their forts. When he had made himself
thoroughly acquainted with the temper of the enemy, and of his own
men, he ordered the tribunes and the praefects, with all the horsemen
and centurions, to be called together, and addressed them thus: "The
time is arrived, which you have often wished for, when you might have
an opportunity of displaying your valour. Hitherto you have waged war
rather as marauders than as regular troops; you shall now meet your
enemies hand to hand, in regular fight. Henceforward you will have
it in your power, instead of pillaging country places, to exhaust the
treasures of cities. Our fathers, at a time when the Carthaginians
had in Spain both commanders and armies, and had themselves neither
commander nor soldiers there, nevertheless insisted on its being an
article of treaty, that the river Iberus should be the boundary of
their empire. Now, when two praetors of the Romans, when a consul, and
three armies are employed in Spain, and, for near ten years past, no
Carthaginian has been in either of its provinces, yet we have lost
that empire on the hither side of the Iberus. This it is your duty to
recover by your valour and arms; and to compel this nation, which is
in a state rather of giddy insurrection than of steady warfare, to
receive again the yoke which it has shaken off." After thus generally
exhorting them, he gave notice, that he intended to march by night to
the enemy's camp; and then dismissed them to take refreshment.

14. At midnight, after having given his attention to the auspices, he
began his march, that he might take possession of such ground as he
chose, before the enemy should observe him. Having led his troops
beyond their camp, he formed them in order of battle, and at the first
light sent three cohorts close to their very ramparts. The barbarians,
surprised at the Romans appearing on their rear, ran hastily to arms.
In the mean time, the consul observed to his men, "Soldiers, you have
no room for hope, but in your own courage; and I have, purposely,
taken care that it should be so. The enemy are between us and our
camp; behind us is an enemy's country. What is most honourable, is
likewise safest; namely, to place all our hopes in our own valour."
He then ordered the cohorts to retreat, in order to draw out the
barbarians by the appearance of flight. Every thing happened as he had
expected. The enemy, thinking that the Romans retired through fear,
rushed out of the gate, and filled the whole space between their
own camp and the line of their adversaries. While they were hastily
marshalling their troops, the consul, who had all his in readiness,
and in regular array, attacked them when in disorder. He caused the
cavalry from both wings to advance first to the charge: but those on
the right were immediately repulsed, and, retiring in disorder, spread
confusion among the infantry also. On seeing this, the consul ordered
two chosen cohorts to march round the right flank of the enemy, and
show themselves on their rear, before the two lines of infantry could
close. The alarm which this gave the enemy, which had been thrown to
a disadvantage by the cowardice of the Roman horse, restored the fight
to an equality. But such a panic had taken possession of both the
cavalry and infantry of the right wing, that the consul laid hold of
several with his own hand, and turned them about with their faces to
the enemy. As long as the fight was carried on with missile weapons,
success was doubtful; and on the right wing, where the disorder and
flight had first began, the Romans with difficulty kept their ground.
On their left wing, the barbarians were both hard pressed in in front;
and looked back, with timidity, at the cohorts that threatened their
rear. But when, after discharging their iron darts and large javelins,
they drew their swords, the battle, in a manner, began anew. They were
no longer wounded by random blows from a distance, but, closing foot
to foot, placed all their hope in courage and strength.

15. When the consul's men were now spent with fatigue, he reanimated
their courage by bringing up into the fight some subsidiary cohorts
from the second line. These formed a new front, and being fresh
themselves, and with fresh weapons attacking the wearied enemy in
the form of a wedge, by a furious onset they first forced their way
through them; and then, when they were once broken, scattered them and
put them to flight. They returned towards their camp across the fields
with all the speed they could make. When Cato saw the rout become
general, he rode back to the second legion, which had been posted in
reserve, and ordered the standards to be borne before it, and that it
should advance in quick motion, and attack the camp of the enemy. If
any of them, through too much eagerness, pushed forward beyond his
rank, he himself rode up and struck them with his javelin, and also
ordered the tribunes and centurions to chastise them. By this time the
camp of the enemy was attacked, though the Romans were kept off from
the works by stones, poles, and weapons of every sort. But, on the
arrival of the fresh legion, the assailants assumed new courage, and
the enemy fought with redoubled fury in defence of their rampart. The
consul attentively examined every place himself, that he might break
in at that quarter where he saw the weakest resistance. At a gate on
the left, he observed that the guard was thin, and thither he led the
first-rank men and spearmen of the second legion. The party posted
at the gate were not able to withstand their assault; while the rest,
seeing the enemy within the rampart, abandoned the defence of the
camp, and threw away their standards and arms. Great numbers were
killed at the gates, being stopped in the narrow passages by the
throng of their own men; and the soldiers of the second legion cut off
the hindmost, while the rest were plundering the camp. According to
the account of Valerius Antias, there were above forty thousand of
the enemy killed on that day. Cato himself, who was certainly no
disparager of his own merits, says that a great many were killed, but
he specifies no number.

16. The conduct of Cato on that day is judged deserving of
commendation in three particulars. First, in leading round his army so
far from his camp and fleet, as to fight the battle in the very middle
of the enemy, that his men might look for no safety but in their
courage. Secondly, in throwing the cohorts on the enemy's rear.
Thirdly, in ordering the second legion, when all the rest were
disordered by the eagerness of their pursuit, to advance at a full
pace to the gate of the camp, in compact and regular order under their
standards. He delayed not to improve his victory; but having sounded a
retreat, and brought back his men laden with spoil, he allowed them a
few hours of the night for rest; and then led them out to ravage the
country. They spread their depredations the wider, as the enemy were
dispersed in their flight; and this circumstance, no less than the
defeat of the preceding day, obliged the Spaniards of Emporiae,
and those of their neighbourhood, to make a submission. Many also,
belonging to other states, who had made their escape to Emporiae,
surrendered; all of whom the consul received with kindness, and after
refreshing them with victuals and wine, dismissed to their several
homes. He quickly decamped thence, and wherever the army proceeded on
its march, he was met by ambassadors, surrendering their respective
states; so that, by the time when he arrived at Tarraco, all Spain on
this side of the Ebro was in a state of perfect subjection; and the
Roman prisoners, and those of their allies and the Latin confederates,
who by various chances had fallen into the hands of the enemies in
Spain, were brought back by the barbarians, as an offering to the
consul. A rumour afterwards spread abroad, that Cato intended to lead
his army into Turditania; and it was given out, with equal falsehood,
that he meant to proceed to the remote inhabitants of the mountains.
On this groundless, unauthenticated report, seven forts of the
Bergistans revolted; but the Roman, marching thither, reduced them
to subjection without any battle worthy of narration. Not very long
after, when the consul returned to Tarraco, and before he removed
to any other place, the same persons revolted again. They were
again subdued; but, on this second reduction, met not the same mild
treatment; they were all sold by auction, that they might not any
oftener disturb the peace.

17. In the mean time, the praetor, Publius Manlius, having received
the army from Quintius Minucius, whom he had succeeded, and joined to
it the old army of Appius Claudius Nero, from Farther Spain, marched
into Turditania. Of all the Spaniards, the Turditanians are reckoned
the least warlike; nevertheless, relying on their great numbers, they
went to oppose the march of the Romans. The cavalry, having been sent
forward, at once broke their line; and with the infantry there was
hardly any conflict. The veteran soldiers, well acquainted with the
enemy and their manner of fighting, effectually decided the battle.
This engagement, however, did not terminate the war. The Turdulans
hired ten thousand Celtiberians, and prepared to carry on the war with
foreign troops. The consul, meanwhile, alarmed at the rebellion of
the Bergistans, and suspecting that the other states would act in
like manner when occasion offered, took away their arms from all the
Spaniards on this side of the Iberus; which proceeding affected them
so deeply, that many laid violent hands on themselves; this fierce
race considering that, without arms, life was of no value. When this
was reported to the consul, he summoned before him the senators of
every one of the states, to whom he spoke thus: "It is not more our
interest than it is your own, that you should not rebel; since your
insurrections have, hitherto, always drawn more mi fortune on the
Spaniards than labour on the Roman armies. To prevent such things
happening in future, I know but one method, which is, to put it out
of your power to rebel. I wish to effect this in the gentlest way, and
that you would assist me therein with your advice. I will follow none
with greater pleasure than what yourselves shall offer." They all
remaining silent, he told them that he would give them a few days'
time to consider the matter. When, on being called together, even in
the second meeting, they uttered not a word, in one day he razed the
walls of all their fortresses; and marching against those who had not
yet submitted, he received in every country, as he passed through,
the submission of all the neighbouring states. Segestica alone, an
important and opulent city, he reduced by works and engines.

18. Cato had greater difficulties to surmount, in subduing the enemy,
than had those commanders who came first into Spain; for this reason,
that the Spaniards, through disgust at the Carthaginian government,
came over to their side; whereas he had the task of enforcing their
submission to slavery, in a manner, after they had been in full
enjoyment of liberty. Besides, he found the whole province in a
state of commotion; insomuch, that some were in arms, and others were
compelled to join in the revolt by being besieged, nor would they
have been able to hold out any longer if they had not received timely
succour. But so vigorous was the spirit and capacity of the consul,
that there was no kind of business, whether great or small, which he
did not himself attend to and perform; and he not only planned and
ordered, but generally executed in person such measures as were
expedient; nor did he practise a more strict and rigorous discipline
over any one than over himself. In spare diet, watching, and labour,
he vied with the meanest of his soldiers; nor, excepting the honour of
his post, and the command, had he any peculiar distinction above the
rest of the army.